Author Archives: ld-sylff

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Fletcher Cyber Expert Discusses Bilateral Security Issues during Japan Visit: Sylff@Tokyo

July 10, 2025

On June 27, the Sylff Association secretariat had the pleasure of hosting Josephine Wolff from the Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy at Tufts University, where she holds multiple roles: associate professor of cybersecurity policy, associate professor of computer science and engineering, and director of the Hitachi Center for Technology and International Affairs.

A leading expert in both computer science and technology policy, Wolff was visiting Japan to engage with cybersecurity professionals—meeting with defense officials at the National Institute for Defense Studies, holding discussions with specialists at the University of Tokyo, and reconnecting with many Fletcher alumni.

“Japan is one of our biggest sources of international students,” Wolff noted, “and I’ve spent the week visiting our former students who’re now working in the Japanese government and industry.”

Fletcher offers an interdisciplinary program that equips students with both technological literacy and a strong foundation in public policy—skills that are increasingly vital in combating cybercrime. Wolff highlighted that several Japanese alumni of the program are now spearheading a police task force focused on online scams targeting the elderly and other types of financial fraud.

Navigating the Complex Landscape of Cyber Threats

Cyberattacks with significant social impact are rapidly becoming a national security concern for governments worldwide. “Online fraud isn’t just about theft,” she explained. “Sometimes, money is being stolen to fund programs like North Korea’s weapons development. Ransomware has also been linked to financing hostile states, posing threats to the entire system of economic statecraft.”

Wolff cautions, though, against framing such incidents in overly militaristic terms. “Using language like ‘gray war’ can escalate a situation unnecessarily. Once you label something as war, it demands a very specific set of responses. My interest is in getting away from that language and focusing on what would be a more proportional response.”

She argues, for instance, that Russian interference in the 2016 presidential election would fall short of acts of war. “That doesn’t mean it’s not serious or that we don’t need to respond to it. But if the threat is about manipulating people’s ideas, we don’t need to involve the armed forces.” Instead, she says, efforts should be made to enhance media literacy, provide tools for online safety, and seek accountability from the big platforms.

Threats to Infrastructure and the Policy Response

There are operations, however, that feel closer to a prelude to war. “The main threat from China is not influence operations,” she emphasizes. “We’re more worried about potential attacks on critical infrastructure, and this calls for a very different set of protections.”

A military response would be considered only in the event of a truly severe incident, however. “If all the power in the United States were shut down, we would regard that as an act of war. But we’re not going to start dropping bombs if a website gets defaced.”

There can be many possible responses if a pipeline is shut off or the water supply is disrupted, including economic sanctions. “But this is a very challenging area for policymakers, because nobody is really clear on where the threshold is.”

As the internet of things continues to expand, Wolff warns of the growing risk of cyberattacks affecting physical systems. “With more devices connected and decisions outsourced to artificial intelligence, attacks could affect not just your laptop or phone; cars and ships might crash due to tampered navigation systems. This goes beyond the typical scope of ransomware.”

Despite these concerns, Wolff remains cautiously optimistic. “We should take some comfort in the fact that we haven’t yet seen the catastrophic cybercrimes we often fear. We’ve watched Russia fight a war for years now without being able to shut down Ukraine’s power grid. Honestly, I think Russia would have done so by now if they could, so that’s not a small victory.”

The Sylff Association secretariat deeply appreciates Wolff’s visit and is encouraged by the high level of expertise within the Sylff community—not only in advanced technology but also in shaping effective public policy. We look forward to welcoming more fellows and other visitors from Sylff institutions in the future. (Compiled by Nozomu Kawamoto)

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Data Deserts and Drowning Cities

July 7, 2025
By 21711

In a commentary originally published in Mongabay, Soumya Bhowmick (Jadavpur University, 2014, 2015) argues that India’s urban future is at a crossroads, as data deserts threaten sustainability, resilience, and natural capital in the country’s rapidly growing metropolises.

*     *     *

Flood-affected areas in Amreli, Gujarat, in June 2015. Image by Indian Air Force, licensed under Government Open Data License–India (GODL).

India’s cities are racing into the future, swelling in size, complexity, and ambition. By 2030, more than 40% of the country’s population, around 600 million people, will call urban areas home.

Cities in India are engines of growth and already contribute over 70% of India’s greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions. Yet, for all this growth, India’s urban policymakers are flying blind. They are grappling with the monumental task of building resilient, inclusive, and sustainable cities. Still, they lack a clear understanding of crucial aspects like where vulnerabilities are high, where the opportunities lie, and the costs of inaction.

This is the crux of India’s urban paradox: a future unfolding at breakneck speed, guided by data that is outdated, fragmented, and incomplete. It has a direct impact on common people.

For example, the Praja Foundation reveals that in Mumbai, slum residents receive 45 litres of water per capita per day (LPCD), significantly below the recommended 135 LPCD. Furthermore, the absence of localised weather monitoring stations in populous cities like Noida and Ghaziabad leads to delayed or insufficient weather alerts, exacerbating vulnerability to extreme weather events. Without a serious overhaul of how we collect and use information, India’s cities risk becoming unmanageable, vulnerable, and unsustainable.

Mapping the Blind Spots

The problem runs deeper than just a lack of numbers. India’s cities are built on data deserts. Many still rely on the 2011 Census to make decisions about housing, transport, pollution control and public health. That’s a decade-old snapshot in a country where millions have migrated, new megacities have sprawled and the climate crisis has escalated. Entire neighbourhoods have emerged and others have been densified beyond recognition. Yet planners are left guessing about the basics: how many people live in which area, what services they need, and what risks they face.

A slum area in Goa. India’s urban policymakers are working in the dark, with a severe lack of data on people as decisions are made regarding housing, transport, public health and more. Image by urbzoo via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0).

While a step forward, the NITI Aayog’s SDG Urban Index tracks only a narrow set of indicators, overlooking critical aspects such as climate resilience, social inclusion, and environmental quality. An assessment by the Janaagraha Centre of Citizenship and Democracy (2023) found that many Indian cities suffer from serious gaps in long-term urban climate planning.

This is not just an academic problem. A city that doesn’t know its climate risks or the state of its natural assets cannot prepare for the floods, heatwaves, and storms already battering India’s urban centres. Without these insights, cities remain blind to the real pressures on their systems: who is most vulnerable to floods, where air quality is worsening, or whether green spaces are shrinking. The lack of disaggregated, city-level data means urban policy becomes a guessing game, prone to misfires and blind spots. And it is not just about measuring more, but it’s about measuring smarter.

That’s where frameworks such as natural capital accounting and the Inclusive Wealth Framework present a new way forward. These frameworks look beyond narrow fixes for GDP or infrastructure counts and pose a deeper question: what creates a wealthy, liveable, and resilient city? They look beyond roads and buildings to the entire range of assets that support urban life, from clean air and green spaces to wetlands, tree canopies, education, and access to healthcare. According to the United Nations Environment Programme (2021), India has already begun to shift this dynamic by adopting a national statistical framework for natural capital accounting based on the System of Environmental-Economic Accounting (SEEA). The SEEA framework gives policymakers a way to put a real economic value on ecosystems. It helps in accounting for benefits that often go unnoticed, such as the carbon stored in urban forests, the protection wetlands offer against floods, and rivers’ role in recharging groundwater.

It is essential to shift our perspective, as disregarding natural systems comes at a significant cost. India’s history offers a lesson. Between 1990 and 2008, India’s per capita GDP increased by an impressive 120%. However, during the same period, its natural capital—comprising forests, clean water, clean air, and other natural assets—decreased from 31% in 1990 to 15% in 2014 (of the total capital stock of the nation in 1990). This stark statistic, noted in the U.N. Inclusive Wealth Report (2018), illustrates how conventional economic measures conceal perilous trade-offs: cities can appear prosperous on paper while silently degrading the systems that support life and human flourishing.

A survey on sanitation being conducted in Bengaluru. A lack of city-level data to understand climate risks and the state of natural capital imply that cities are ill-prepared for extreme weather events and remain blind to who is most vulnerable to them. Representative image by SuSanA Secretariat via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY 2.0).

Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11 calls for inclusive, safe, resilient, and sustainable cities. It is particularly important for the way India’s urban future is unfolding. However, progress remains uneven and fragmented.

A 2023 study notes that an estimated 18% of Indian cities exhibit low efficiency in converting environmental gains into socioeconomic improvements, while nearly 55% fall short of their respective state-level SDG benchmarks. Despite their scale and significance, many urban centres operate without the data required to assess whether they are becoming more equitable, improving air quality, or effectively mitigating climate risks. The lack of granular, locally relevant metrics and the weak integration of environmental concerns into urban development planning have created systemic blind spots, undermining India’s ability to localise the SDG agenda effectively.

An integrated information system that combines economic, social, and environmental data is essential for progressing towards sustainable development. In India’s context, this means breaking down silos between city departments, creating a unified urban wealth dashboard that tracks everything from green cover and air quality to literacy rates and public health.

The Urban Ecology Equation

When cities adopt such an integrated approach, they gain the ability to identify trade-offs and make informed decisions. A plan to pave over wetlands for a new real estate project might seem like a quick economic win. However, when the loss of flood protection, carbon sequestration, and biodiversity is factored in through natural capital accounting, it becomes clear that the project may erode the city’s long-term resilience. Conversely, investing in tree planting or restoring river floodplains can be recognised as adding wealth, not just environmental value, but also economic and social benefits, such as cooler temperatures, improved health, and reduced disaster risk.

A polluted river bank in Pune district. An integrated information system combining economic, social, and environmental data is essential for sustainable development. For example, investing in restoring river floodplains can be recognised for its economic and social benefits, such as cooler temperatures, improved health, and reduced disaster risk. Image by DesiBoy101 via Wikimedia Commons (CC BY-SA 4.0).

This shift also requires transforming how cities govern. Many municipal bodies in India are under­resourced and fragmented and cannot collect, analyse, and act on data. Yet some promising models are emerging. The Smart Cities Mission has piloted Integrated Command and Control Centres since 2017- 2018 that utilise real-time data to manage urban services, such as traffic and waste management. These centres hint at what’s possible, but they are not enough. India’s cities need a complete change in the governance ecosystem where data is not an afterthought but a core part of how decisions are made, budgets are allocated, and progress is tracked.

Imagine a future where every major Indian city has an inclusive wealth dashboard that is regularly updated and made public, where residents can see not just how many kilometres of road have been built but also whether air quality has improved, whether tree cover has increased, and whether children’s access to education has expanded. Such transparency would make cities more accountable to their residents and empower communities to demand better outcomes. It would also help local governments prioritise investments that build long-term wealth, such as public transport, green infrastructure, renewable energy, affordable housing, and inclusive public spaces. By valuing natural and human capital alongside traditional economic assets, cities can make more intelligent choices that protect people and the planet.

Ultimately, this is not just about data but what we value as a society. India’s cities are at a crossroads. India’s cities face a choice. One path offers quick economic returns, but it also carries risks that damage the natural systems and community networks that support urban life. The other path calls for a deeper and more balanced approach, where development decisions consider not just infrastructure and income but also green spaces, clean air, public health, and long-term well-being. It is a chance to build cities that thrive today without compromising the future.

Soumya Bhowmick is a Fellow and Lead, World Economies and Sustainability at the Centre for New Economic Diplomacy, Observer Research Foundation (ORF). This article is based on his PhD research at the School of Management, BML Munjal University, supported by the Sylff Research Grant (SRG) from the Tokyo Foundation, which enabled him to advance his work on the Inclusive Wealth Framework through consultations at the UNEP headquarters in Nairobi.

Citation

Huge population, but no IMD station for coordination & updates in Noida–Ghaziabad. (2025, May 23). The Times of India. https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/city/noida/huge-population-but-no-imd-station-for-coordination-updates-in-noida-ghaziabad/articleshow/121347852.cms.

Janaagraha Centre for Citizenship and Democracy. (2023, October). Annual Survey of Inclusive City Systems 2023 [title corrected from Analysis of Sustainable Inclusive City Systems 2023, as cited in the original article]. https://www.janaagraha.org/wp-content/uploads/2023/10/ASICS-2023.pdf.

Ministry of Housing and Urban Poverty Alleviation, Press Information Bureau. (2018, June 14). Integrated Command and Control Centre of Naya Raipur Smart City inaugurated by Prime Minister. Government of India.

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Struggling for the Algorithm: Far-Right Communication and Youth Political Participation

July 1, 2025
By 32202

Mónica Catarina Soares (University of Coimbra, 2016) argues that far-right movements in Portugal and Argentina are reshaping youth political attitudes through meme-savvy digital strategies and populist messaging that reframe exclusionary nationalism as culturally attractive rebellion.

*     *     *

Over the past two decades, the world has witnessed a steady and alarming rise in far-right political influence. This phenomenon is not confined to any one region but has emerged as a transnational trend. Portugal and Argentina, two countries with relatively young democracies shaped by recent histories of dictatorship, have both seen a significant increase in far-right support.

In Portugal, the legislative elections held on May 18, 2025, followed the dissolution of a conservative coalition government that came to power in 2024, but which quickly collapsed amid a corruption scandal. The scandal implicated Prime Minister Luís Montenegro and revealed alleged bribery schemes involving a family enterprise currently connected to his wife and son.

Despite the political turmoil, the ruling coalition Aliança Democrática secured 91 of 230 seats in the Assembly of the Republic with the largest vote share of 31.21%. However, the most notable outcome of the election was the continued ascent of the far-right party Chega, which obtained 22.76% of the vote and 60 parliamentary seats—surpassing the Socialist Party (Partido Socialista), which secured only 58 mandates.[1]

Chega has thus become the second-largest political force in Portugal, significantly altering the country’s traditional party system, undermining democratic pluralism, and advancing an exclusionary nationalist agenda.

On the same day, May 18, in Argentina, the far-right coalition La Libertad Avanza won the legislative elections in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires with 30.1% of the vote. This victory consolidated the position of Javier Milei, an economist-turned-media-personality who became president in 2023 with 55.69% of the vote (14,476,462 ballots cast in his favor).[2] Milei’s rapid rise has transformed Argentina’s political landscape, positioning radical libertarianism as an outlet for social discontent.

Although support for the far right extends across all age groups, it was young people in both Portugal and Argentina who initially structured this rise and who continue to play a central role in far-right discourse. In Portugal, exit polls conducted by Pitagórica[3] in 2025 showed—as in the 2022 and 2024 elections—that individuals aged 25–34 were the most likely to vote for Chega, with approximately 33% backing this party. Similarly, in Argentina, Milei’s support base includes a significant proportion of young people from working-class backgrounds affected by job insecurity and limited educational opportunities.[4]

These patterns raise important questions regarding the ideological realignment of younger generations and the communicative mechanisms employed by far-right movements to engage with them. Since November 2024, I have been conducting research in both countries to explore how digital culture and far-right discourse influence youth political behavior. Specifically, I examine the narratives that resonate with youth sensibilities, the communication styles used by official and unofficial far-right actors on platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, and the extent to which these strategies reshape political imaginaries.

This research uses two primary methods for data collection: (1) expert interviews with political analysts and scholars and (2) a critical digital discourse analysis of far-right content disseminated across social media platforms. While the research is ongoing, the following sections present preliminary findings and interpretive reflections.

The Aesthetic of Rebellion: Why the Far Right Resonates with Youth

A central finding of this study is the far right’s effective appropriation of the aesthetic of rebellion. In contrast to its traditional image as a “dangerous relic of the past,” contemporary far-right communication rearticulates its message through formats that align with styles perceived as attractive and relevant by youth audiences.

On TikTok, Instagram reels, and YouTube shorts, far-right influencers frequently employ irony, irreverent humor, memes, and popular music to attack “woke” values, feminism, LGBTQ+ rights, and progressive causes, which they portray as hegemonic and oppressive. Today, the far right is increasingly perceived as amusing, disruptive, confrontational, and engaged with ordinary people—all characteristics that hold strong appeal for younger audiences.

In Argentina, libertarianism—once marginal in a country shaped by Peronism and progressive social movements—has been reframed as a form of generational rebellion. For many young supporters, Milei’s rhetoric offers a way of rejecting the status quo and challenging the political and social groups that have long held power. As one young supporter stated, “We’re not the spoiled elites of the Propuesta Republicana. We’re spicy—we’re like the Peronists of liberalism” (free translation).[5] This rhetorical positioning casts ultraliberalism as a form of authentic, anti-systemic resistance.

Who, then, embodies all that must be rejected? In Argentina, the answer, according to far-right imaginaries, is a demonized and composite figure referred to as the casta. This term refers to a deliberately vague and malleable amalgam of political elites, public-sector workers, social activists, intellectuals, and welfare recipients—groups portrayed not merely as disconnected from “the people” but as active agents in the nation’s decline.

Meme retrieved from Javier Milei’s official Instagram account. The text reads: “Crystal Clear: Clean Record, The Casta.”

The so-called elites are presented as socially and politically homogeneous, with internal conflicts and tensions deliberately obscured. This homogenized group is then accused of having systematically deceived the population: by obscuring the structural roots of persistent economic crises, by defending redistributive policies that allegedly reward idleness and their privileges, and by imposing victim-centered narratives of past dictatorships that distract people from the supposed historical truth.[6]

Within this revisionist and populist framework, the casta is seen not just as a privileged minority but as a treacherous force—one that has hijacked state institutions for its own benefit and corrupted the moral fabric of the nation.

These tropes are echoed in Portugal with striking consistency in Chega’s messaging. The party persistently calls for a moral and institutional “cleansing” of Portuguese society, targeting those it designates as unproductive or parasitic, a kind of Portuguese casta—namely, immigrants, welfare beneficiaries, and political opponents,[7] among others.

These proposals are framed not as acts of cruelty but as necessary corrections that reflect the frustrations of the “clean record”—especially young men—who feel abandoned, dishonored, and rendered invisible by mainstream institutions. In this way, punitive and exclusionary measures are reframed as moral imperatives and necessary practices, restoring a lost sense of fairness and social hierarchy under the guise of economic and national regeneration.

The TikTok Algorithm

TikTok’s algorithm, like those of other platforms, privileges content that is emotionally engaging, visually dynamic, and easily consumable. Far-right communicators have mastered this environment by crafting charismatic digital personas—sometimes embodied by political figures such as Chega founder André Ventura and Milei themselves—and embedding ideological messages within entertainment-oriented formats. In this context, politics is transformed into a form of micro-entertainment and seamlessly integrated into users’ everyday scrolling practices.

The COVID-19 pandemic played a pivotal role in this transformation. It provided fertile ground for conspiracy theories, anti-state rhetoric, and libertarian fantasies of self-regulation. In Portugal, Chega took advantage of public frustrations with lockdowns and vaccination campaigns, framing state-imposed health measures as authoritarian overreach.[8] In Argentina, Milei released a film titled Pandemonics in which he portrays the pandemic response as an orchestrated scam. The movie ends with a punk-style anthem by Los Pibes Libertarios featuring the following credit lyrics:[9]

To hell with the damn “entrepre-losers”
To hell with the sodomites of capital
No more Keynesian trash
The liberal moment has arrived

We have a leader, a true icon
Who always manages to rattle the state
Javier Milei, future president
Javier Milei, the last punk

Always against the tax-funded pensions
Always against abusive statism
Fighting for a libertarian Argentina
And for the freedom of the working people (free translation)

This narrative resonated with young audiences who experienced the pandemic as a time of frustration, missed opportunities, and alienation. Moreover, far-right content consistently emphasizes that salvation will come through the party leader, who at this time was already portrayed as the president and the last hope in the fight for the country.

In Portugal, too, besides the use of fake news that supports his political views, Ventura’s online presence blends nationalist messaging with casual, trend-aware content—a strategy designed to normalize and sublimate violent political discourse. He shares images featuring a cat from the Chega central office, posts reaction videos, and comments on trending topics in a tone resembling that of a close friend. This form of political parasocial interaction—one-sided emotional bonds between followers and public figures—fosters a sense of intimacy and identification: Ventura appears approachable, authentic, and continuously present in the digital lives of his followers.

Photo retrieved from André Ventura’s official Instagram account.

In a context marked by widespread political disaffection—especially pronounced among working-class youth—far-right digital strategies have successfully cultivated a sense of proximity, immediacy, and responsiveness. Unlike mainstream political parties, which often appear distant, technocratic, and reliant on traditional media or complex political discourse, far-right actors leverage social media platforms to simulate a continuous, direct, and informal dialogue with their followers. This mediated intimacy cultivates a perception of accessibility and responsiveness that traditional political parties often fail to provide, fostering among followers a sense of being heard and represented in real time.

It is important to note that digital engagement is not confined to official politicians or party figures. The far-right online presence often comprises a diverse ecosystem of actors: influencers who engage audiences through more casual or lifestyle-oriented content, thereby broadening the movement’s appeal beyond explicitly political arenas, alongside smaller, fragmented groups, some of which openly promote neo-Nazi ideologies, for example. This multilayer network fosters an environment where radical ideas circulate across both overtly political and seemingly apolitical contexts.

No Future? Rebuilding Hope and Meaning

A recurring theme emerging from my fieldwork is the pervasive sense among young people of being trapped in a present devoid of a future. For many, democratic regimes and progressive political projects have failed to deliver promises of social mobility, dignity, or collective well-being. This widespread frustration, stemming from precarious employment, lack of affordable housing, and a profound sense of systemic marginalization, has driven many youths to seek new sources of meaning that provide both existential purpose and symbolic repositioning within society.

But what exactly do these movements offer to improve the lives of young people? On the surface, they promise status, success, and recognition in a world fraught with insecurities. However, such promises are often deliberately intertwined with ambiguous or confusing prospects for a better life. Notably, the far right does not advocate collective egalitarianism regarding these aspirations for a better life. Instead, its message emphasizes that positive social status depends on becoming an individually productive worker—more disciplined, resilient, but also more ruthless. The fierce struggle against the “caste” demands this stance, as this group is portrayed as perpetually attempting to game the system.

In both countries, young people are urged to rectify the perceived mistakes of their parents and grandparents, who are blamed for creating and sustaining the “caste”—generations allegedly seduced by the false promises of democracy, socialism, communism, or egalitarian reformism, and now dismissed as “things from old people.” It is now their historical mission to finally play the “right card” to overcome exploitation, not by rejecting it but by embracing its most radical and unrestrained form.

The core message is clear: the failure of the past was not capitalism but the resistance to its unrestricted development. The only barrier standing between young people and their dreams of economic and national development is a “leftist impoverishing state” that allegedly hindered the true flourishing of capitalism and compromised their generation. Therefore, the proposed solution is not revolution or reforms but purification: capitalism beyond contestation, legitimized by the fantasy of a liberated, unburdened, neoliberal subject. This vision is framed through masculinized archetypes—the self-made entrepreneur, the tax-resisting hero, the “clean record” citizen, among others.

The Entrenchment of Right-Wing Frameworks

Preliminary findings suggest that we are not witnessing a passing fad but a profound shift in political culture. Far-right movements have succeeded in establishing new common-sense frameworks among youth, particularly through digital media. These frameworks offer emotional gratification, inclusion, and a sense of belonging in a world otherwise experienced as unstable and unjust. Their success is underpinned by effective marketing strategies, often internationally funded and professionally managed, which blend ideological content with viral aesthetics.

While resistance remains—from street protests to media critiques—progressive forces have largely failed to offer compelling counter-narratives capable of matching the emotional and communicative resonance of the far-right.

Graffiti proclaiming that the homeland is not for sale and that people must choose between the homeland and the IMF, painted on barricades near the Casa Rosada, Buenos Aires, April 2025.

This research underscores the need for renewed attention to the ways digital communication reshapes political imaginaries and for urgent rethinking of civic education, digital literacy, and youth political engagement. If far-right discourse has become “the new punk,” then progressive movements must respond not only with better arguments but with more compelling affective and cultural strategies.

The stakes are high. The far right’s caricatured, shallow, and laughable nature have led many to underestimate its power and allowed them to grow enormously, without their true danger being fully acknowledged, in Portuguese and Argentine society, as well as worldwide. However, the history of the twentieth century serves as a stark reminder that this familiar path leads not merely to instability but to the erosion of democratic institutions and the exponential rise of political barbarism. And it is already happening.

Notes

[1] Ministry of Internal Administration, Resultados globais, 2025, accessed June 4, 2025, https://www.legislativas2025.mai.gov.pt/resultados/globais.

[2] National Electoral Directorate, Elecciones 2023: Segunda Vuelta, 2023, accessed June 5, 2025, https://resultados.mininterior.gob.ar/resultados/2023/3/1/0.

[3] Pedro Magalhães and João Cancela, As bases sociais do novo sistema partidário português, 2025, accessed June 4, 2025, https://www.pedro-magalhaes.org/as-bases-sociais-do-novo-sistema-partidario-portugues-2022-2025/.

[4] Ezequiel Ipar, “La rabia grita derecha,” Le Monde Diplomatique (edición 289), 2023, accessed June 6, 2025, https://www.eldiplo.org/283-por-que-la-derecha-conquista-a-los-jovenes/la-rabia-grita-derecha/.

[5] Melina Vázquez, “Los picantes del liberalismo: Jóvenes militantes de Milei y ‘nuevas derechas,’” in Está entre nosotros: ¿De dónde sale y hasta dónde puede llegar la extrema derecha que no vimos venir? edited by Pablo Semán, 2023, 81–122.

[6] Hernán Confino and Rodrigo Tizón, Anatomía de una mentira: Quiénes y por qué justifican a la represión de los setenta, Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura, 2024.

[7] Mariana Mendes, “Enough of What? An Analysis of Chega’s Populist Radical Right Agenda,” South European Society and Politics 26, no. 3 (2021): 329–353.

[8] Mónica Soares and Marcela Uchôa, “Is It Just about a Renewed Conspiracy? Endorsement of a Far-Right Subjectivity in Portuguese Movements against Covid-19 Sanitary Control Measures,” Journal for the Study of Radicalism 18, no. 1 (2024): 181–208.

[9] Valentina Di Croce, El Arca de Milei: ¿Cómo y con quién construyó su poder? Buenos Aires: Futurock Ediciones, 2024.

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Chairman Sasakawa Meets with Sussex Fellow During Albania Visit

June 19, 2025

Following his attendance at the third United Nations Ocean Conference (UNOC3) in Nice, France, held from June 9 to 13, 2025, Sylff Association Chairman Yohei Sasakawa visited the Albanian capital of Tirana.

There, Chairman Sasakawa met with Albanian President Bajram Begaj, Prime Minister Edi Rama, and Foreign Minister Igli Hasani. At a luncheon hosted by Japanese Ambassador to Albania Kikuko Kato, he also reconnected with Odeta Barbullushi, a 2003 Sylff fellowship recipient at the University of Sussex, where she earned a master’s degree with honors in contemporary European studies.

Chairman Sasakawa with Sussex fellow Odeta Barbullushi, a guest at a luncheon hosted by Japanese Ambassador Kikuko Kato.

Barbullushi is currently a resident professor at the Tirana campus of the College of Europe. She is a foreign policy expert and former diplomat, she has served as sherpa and advisor to the Albanian prime minister on EU integration and regional cooperation, as well as deputy minister of foreign affairs and chief of cabinet to the minister for Europe and foreign affairs.

Sasakawa with other participants of a UNOC3 meeting with UN Secretary-General Guterres, center.

At UNOC3, Chairman Sasakawa delivered a speech during Ocean Action Panel 2 on the theme: “Increasing Ocean-Related Scientific Cooperation, Knowledge, Capacity Building, Marine Technology and Education to Strengthen the Science-Policy Interface for Ocean Health.” He also attended a meeting with US Secretary-General António Guterres.

Sasakawa receives a doctor honoris causa from Western Balkans University President Ferdinand Gjana.

In Tirana, Chairman Sasakawa was awarded an honorary doctorate from Western Balkans University “in recognition of his visionary leadership and extraordinary contribution to global well-being, social inclusion, and human dignity.” He delivered an “emotional and inspiring” speech recounting his life journey—from a childhood marked by loss and postwar hardship to a lifelong commitment to humanitarian causes and the protection of human dignity.

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Thinking, Governing, and Healing “with” the Hauraki Gulf

June 17, 2025
By 31645

Efforts to co-govern the Hauraki Gulf in Aotearoa (New Zealand) through Indigenous frameworks is facing political pushback. Dara Craig (University of Oregon, 2023) explores what it means to govern with—not over—a living marine ancestor.

*     *     *

Amidst global calls to reimagine governance through Indigenous and relational frameworks, Aotearoa (New Zealand) released a landmark marine spatial plan for Tīkapa Moana (the Hauraki Gulf), a nationally treasured marine ecosystem with her own mauri (life force) and meaning (Sea Change 2017). Despite its promise and widespread support, the plan has stalled, existing opposition has amplified, and the cultural and ecological health of Tīkapa Moana continues to decline (Hauraki Gulf Forum 2023).

My SRG project began with a guiding question: what might it mean to engage Tīkapa Moana not solely as a site of governance but as a living co-governor—a third party to be learned from, managed with, and restored to rightful relationship?

 

Sunset on Te-Motu-Arai-Roa (Waiheke Island), a motu (island) in Tīkapa Moana.

Tīkapa Moana is home to over one-third of Aotearoa’s residents and is central to whakapapa (genealogy), identity, and kai (food) harvest for Indigenous Māori communities (Hauraki Gulf Forum 2020). In 2017, seeking to restore balance and uphold mauri, a community-nominated working group released the Hauraki Gulf Marine Spatial Plan (Sea Change 2017). The plan proposed four kinds of marine protected areas, including Ahu Moana, a co-governance initiative between iwi (tribes) and local communities, oriented toward shared conservation goals and cultural care.

Yet, implementation has been slow and contested. Despite broad support, Ahu Moana has been challenged by anti-Indigenous backlash, with opponents invoking the idea of “safeguarding democracy” as a veiled resistance to Māori involvement. Some government officials have disparaged co-governance as “[giving] power to people based on who their grandparents were,” arguing that “fish don’t do race” (Gulf Users’ Group 2023). As a result, Ahu Moana pilot projects remain at an impasse.

These tensions point to deeper fractures—living legacies of colonialism, clashes between worldviews, and divergent relationships to Tīkapa Moana herself. My project thus considers how co-governance initiatives like Ahu Moana are not only political but also relational and ontological, raising questions about who the Gulf is and how she is engaged. Rather than viewing the Gulf as a passive backdrop or sea of resources to be exploited, I frame Tīkapa Moana as an ancestor, knowledge holder, and teacher.

In collaboration with iwi members and community organizations—and from my position as a white, non-Indigenous researcher—this project considers:

  • Thinking with the Gulf: What methodological commitments guide community-based, decolonial research in Aotearoa? How do different knowledge systems shape research in Tīkapa Moana, and what responsibilities emerge for non-Indigenous scholars within these contexts?
  • Governing with the Gulf: How do different actors, such as iwi, academics, and environmentalists, understand their relationships and responsibilities to Tīkapa Moana, and how do these orientations shape political possibilities? What does it mean to govern with Tīkapa Moana, rather than over her? How do co-governance initiatives implicate her mauri and cultural health?
  • Healing with the Gulf: What lessons are emerging from Ahu Moana? How might they elevate nonhuman voices and suggest more just models of coastal care in Aotearoa and beyond?

This SRG project lays the groundwork for a long-term research agenda that bridges collaborative coastal governance efforts in Aotearoa and the Pacific Northwest. By understanding how Indigenous-led approaches to marine governance unfold in parallel settler-colonial contexts, I hope to devote my career to supporting more just blue futures across the Pacific. More broadly, this work contributes to the marine social sciences by extending questions of agency, voice, and governance to the moana (sea) herself. It centers Tīkapa Moana as a co-constitutive force in healing and revitalizing her own mauri.

Grounding in Place

Tīkapa Moana is a taonga (treasure), playground, pātaka kai (food storehouse), and ancestor (Hauraki Gulf Forum 2023, 4). Spanning more than 14,000 km2 and bordered by shorelines that house more than 2 million people, her importance in Aotearoa and beyond cannot be overstated. Tīkapa Moana has been of utmost spiritual significance to Māori since the first waka (canoes) navigated her waters thousands of years ago, and these relationships are still reflected in mātauranga (Māori knowledge and worldview), tīkanga (protocols), and practices of kaitiakitanga (environmental guardianship).

Environmentally, she is the seabird capital of the world and home to hundreds of endemic marine species. Economically, Tīkapa Moana and her catchment support the lives and livelihoods of over a third of the country’s population. Her shores host Aotearoa’s largest metropolitan area, busiest commercial shipping port, and extensive tracts of farmland; her waters are leading centers for Aotearoa’s commercial fisheries and aquaculture sectors (Hauraki Gulf Forum 2017). Hundreds of thousands of tourists and recreational users visit her waters every year, swimming, playing, fishing, and appreciating her mana (power).

The author (Dara Craig) diving among silver sweep fish and Ecklonia kelp in Ta Hāwere-a-Maki, Aotearoa’s first marine reserve (Cape Rodney to Oakakari Point Marine Reserve, locally known as the Goat Island Marine Reserve). Photo by Shaun Lee.

Despite her widespread importance, Tīkapa Moana continues to face escalating threats to her mauri. Overfishing, seabed degradation, sedimentation, nutrient runoff, and climate change are among the most pressing issues facing the Gulf. More specifically, according to the most recent “State of Our Gulf” report, tāmure (snapper) and tarakihi (deep sea perch) populations need time to rebuild, koura (crayfish) are practically extinct in heavily fished areas, and tipa (scallop) fisheries have effectively collapsed (Hauraki Gulf Forum 2023).

These species are all important taonga and relatives to Māori, signaling the urgency of reciprocal stewardship efforts. While progress has been made at the central and regional government levels toward rebuilding certain depleted fish stocks and creating new marine protected areas, iwi have continued to lead in implementing localized rāhui (temporary closures), restoring mussel beds, and encouraging healing throughout Tīkapa Moana.

Guiding Methods

Collaboration in Aotearoa has been central to my research. I first connected with iwi and community collaborators in 2018 and have maintained these relationships over the past seven years, visiting for work in 2020, continuing conversations via Zoom in 2021–23, and conducting ethnographic fieldwork in 2024–25. I have been hosted by the University of Auckland, working closely with Daniel Hikuroa, and—in partnership with collaborators—I have engaged in oral histories, storywork, participatory observation, and archival research.

With the support of SRG funding, I recently completed two rounds of ethnographic fieldwork across the corners of Tīkapa Moana, conducting 30 in-depth oral histories with iwi members, government officials, academics, environmentalists, and industry representatives. I also engaged in archival research and document analysis at Te Puna Mātauranga o Aotearoa (the National Library of New Zealand) and volunteered as a diver with a community marine project working to heal the social ecologies and mauri of Tīkapa Moana. I have gratefully been invited to participate in public hearings, government workshops, educational outreach events, community-led marine regeneration projects, scuba dives—both for recreation and scientific surveying—and hui (meetings) at marae (Māori communal meeting grounds), making sure to follow proper tikanga (protocol) regarding consent and respect.

 

Kina (sea urchins) collected during a “Kelp Gardeners” dive with the Waiheke Marine Project, a community-driven kaupapa (plan, program) that “[coordinates] action for marine regeneration on Waiheke Island.” The goal of the project is to respectfully “remove adult kina to help encourage kelp regeneration” and “[learn] how to be better kaitiaki (stewards).”

I am currently finalizing transcriptions and “making meaning” of data using Kovach’s thematic analysis strategy for Indigenous methodologies (2009, 208), so findings are forthcoming. I am also following up with collaborators to verify transcripts, review preliminary interpretations, and assess written drafts prior to public release. In the coming months, I hope to organize a “share back” visit that continues to prioritize community-centered knowledge-sharing and reciprocity. Together with collaborators, we will organize a series of kōrero (conversations) to share emerging findings, foster cross-cultural conversations, and reflect on the tensions and possibilities for healing Tīkapa Moana moving forward.

Significance and Future Research

Around the world, settler-colonial states are increasingly called to reckon with the cultural and ecological legacies of dispossession—damage that has severed long-standing relationships between Indigenous peoples and the lands and waters they have stewarded since time immemorial (e.g., Layden et al. 2025; Leonard et al. 2023; Liboiron 2021). Some nations have begun to revise their governance frameworks in support of Indigenous leadership—not only in Indigenous-held territories but also on public lands and waters through shared stewardship, co-management, and co-governance arrangements (e.g., Diggon et al. 2021; Kooistra et al. 2022; Peart 2018; Reid et al. 2020). While these models have proliferated in management and policy discourse, much remains unknown about how they unfold in practice, and most importantly, how they (re)shape relationships between people, institutions, and living ecosystems.

Enclosure Bay on Waiheke Island is sheltered by large rocks and is home to a number of Waiheke Marine Project actions, including Kelp Gardeners dive and snorkel events.

 This project situates Ahu Moana within these broader shifts, exploring not just how governance happens but what it unsettles and what/who it might restore. The work responds to growing calls for community-engaged, place-based governance approaches by foregrounding Tīkapa Moana not as an object of policy but an active co-governor and collaborator in regeneration (e.g., George and Wiebe 2020; Lobo and Parsons 2023; Shefer and Bozalek 2022). It offers a relational framework for thinking with marine ecosystems as political, social, and ancestral actors.

While some findings are inherently place-based and contextually specific, the project lays the groundwork to eventually compare collaborative governance in Aotearoa and the Pacific Northwest that could offer insights that resonate across the Pacific. At a moment when co-governance is politically contested in Aotearoa and globally, I hope to elucidate the relationships between collaborative governance, fractured social ecologies, and repair. It encourages future building that begins not from a push for more technocratic solutions but from the recognition that Tīkapa Moana and seascapes around the world are beings in need of restored relationship.

References

Diggon, Steve, Caroline Butler, Aaron Heidt, et al. 2021. “The Marine Plan Partnership: Indigenous Community-Based Marine Spatial Planning.” Marine Policy 132: 103510. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.marpol.2019.04.014.

George, Rachel Yacaaʔal, and Sarah Marie Wiebe. 2020. “Fluid Decolonial Futures: Water as a Life, Ocean Citizenship and Seascape Relationality.” New Political Science 42 (4): 498–520. https://doi.org/10.1080/07393148.2020.1842706.

Gulf Users’ Group. 2023. “Where the Main Parties Stand on Co-Governance of the Hauraki Gulf.” Last modified September 1, 2023. https://www.gulfusers.org.nz/media-releases/where-the-main-parties-stand-on-co-governance-of-the-hauraki-gulf.

Hauraki Gulf Forum. 2020. “State of Our Gulf 2020.” https://gulfjournal.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2020/02/State-of-our-Gulf-2020.pdf.

Hauraki Gulf Forum. 2023. “State of Our Gulf 2023.” https://gulfjournal.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2023/08/SOER-online.pdf.

Kooistra, Chad, Courtney Schultz, Jesse Abrams, and Heidi Huber-Stearns. 2022. “Institutionalizing the United States Forest Service’s Shared Stewardship Strategy in the Western United States.” Journal of Forestry 120 (5): 588–603. https://doi.org/10.1093/jofore/fvac010.

Kovach, Margaret. 2009. Indigenous Methodologies: Characteristics, Conversations, and Contexts. University of Toronto Press.

Layden, Tamara, Dominque M. David-Chavez, Emma Galofré García, et al. 2025. “Confronting Colonial History: Toward Healing, Just, and Equitable Indigenous Conservation Futures.” Ecology & Society 30 (1). https://doi.org/10.5751/ES-15890-300133.

Leonard, Kelsey, Dominique David-Chavez, Deondre Smiles, et al. 2023. “Water Back: A Review Centering Rematriation and Indigenous Water Research Sovereignty.” Water Alternatives 16 (2): 374–428.

Liboiron, Max. 2021. Pollution Is Colonialism. Duke University Press.

Lobo, Michele, and Meg Parsons. 2023. “Decolonizing Ocean Spaces: Saltwater Co-Belonging and Responsibilities.” Progress in Environmental Geography 2 (1–2). https://doi.org/10.1177/2753968723117923.

Peart, Raewyn. 2018. “A ‘Sea Change’ in Marine Planning: The Development of New Zealand’s First Marine Spatial Plan.” Policy Quarterly 13 (2). https://doi.org/10.26686/pq.v13i2.4658.

Reid, Andrea J., Lauren E. Eckert, John-Francis Lane, et al. 2020. “‘Two-Eyed Seeing:’ An Indigenous Framework to Transform Fisheries Research and Management.” Fish and Fisheries 22 (2): 243–61. https://doi.org/10.1111/faf.12516.

Sea Change. 2017. “Sea Change Hauraki Gulf Marine Spatial Plan.” https://seachange.org.nz/wp-content/uploads/2023/02/5086-SCTTTP-Marine-Spatial-Plan-WR.pdf.

Shefer, Tamara, and Vivienne Bozalek. 2022. “Wild Swimming Methodologies for Decolonial Feminist Justice-to-Come Scholarship,” Feminist Review 130 (1). https://doi.org/10.1177/01417789211069351.

 

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Norwegian Foreign Minister Expresses Gratitude for Sylff Fellowship

June 5, 2025

Chairman Sasakawa was warmly welcomed by Norwegian Foreign Minister and Oslo Fellow Espen Barth Eide at the June 3 reception.

Norwegian Minister of Foreign Affairs Espen Barth Eide, a Sylff fellowship recipient at the University of Oslo, met with Sylff Association Chairman Yohei Sasakawa on June 3 at a reception in Tokyo honoring his visit to Japan.

Earlier that day, Minister Eide held talks with Japanese Minister for Foreign Affairs Takeshi Iwaya. Marking the 120th anniversary of diplomatic relations between Japan and Norway, the two ministers reaffirmed their commitment to deepening cooperation in security—including developments in Ukraine and the Middle East—economic ties, and people-to-people exchange. They also welcomed progress in green initiatives, such as offshore wind power generation projects.

Eide, who received his Sylff fellowship in 1994, was leading a delegation to Expo 2025 in Osaka, where, on June 2, Norway’s National Day was celebrated at the National Day Hall and Nordic Pavilion.

 

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Sylff@Tokyo: Deepening Sylff Ties with the University of Helsinki

June 5, 2025

Tiina Airaksinen of the University of Helsinki, center, is flanked on her right by Mari Suzuki and Aya Kasahara of the Sylff Association secretariat and on her left by Miki Futagawa, director of the Scandinavia-Japan Sasakawa Foundation, and Nozomu Kawamoto of the secretariat.

The Sylff Association secretariat was delighted to welcome Tiina Airaksinen, chair of the Sylff steering committee at the University of Helsinki and vice-dean for academic affairs, to the Tokyo Foundation’s office on May 22. Airaksinen was visiting Japan with her husband, Harri Tirkkonen, marking her first trip to the country in 15 years—her last being as part of a faculty exchange program at Waseda University.

At the University of Helsinki, Sylff fellowships are awarded annually to two PhD students—typically in their second or third year—conducting full-time research in Asian and African studies, international relations, or social and cultural anthropology.

“We receive more and more outstanding applications every year,” Airaksinen noted. “Sylff is highly competitive at Helsinki, as it offers €25,000 annually—making it the university’s most generous scholarship.”

Over the past two years under Airaksinen’s leadership, the Sylff program at Helsinki has achieved dynamic growth, with updates to its website and renewed outreach to fellows and alumni. “I now regularly meet with both current fellows and alumni to share new opportunities through Sylff,” she explained. “It’s important that we stay connected—our community is very active.”

A scholar of Asian studies, Airaksinen is currently conducting comparative research on the experiences of Asian migrants in Finland and Japan—two democracies facing aging populations. She also highlighted the strong interest in Japan among Helsinki students: “Japanese is the second most popular foreign language after English. Students are drawn to Japan not only because of manga and anime but also due to its democratic values, economic influence, and positive global image.”

Airaksinen sees potential for deeper collaboration between Finland and Japan. “Both countries have a strong respect for nature,” she said. “It would be wonderful to organize a symposium, either in-person or online, on sustainability or other topics centered on enhancing happiness and quality of life.”

Airaksinen presents a gift to Tokyo Foundation Executive Director Suzuki.

The Sylff Association secretariat was pleased to reconnect with Airaksinen, having met her and many Sylff fellows in Helsinki in September 2024, and looks forward to further collaboration in building a vibrant Sylff community.

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Finding Concrete Solutions to Real-World Issues: Online Orientation Meeting with “Pedro Arrupe” Fellows

June 2, 2025

On May 12, 2025, the Institute of Political Education “Pedro Arrupe” held an online fellows orientation meeting for its three newly selected Sylff fellows, joined by members of the Sylff Association secretariat.

Meeting participants included (top row, left to right) fellow Alessio Castiglione, secretariat members Aya Kasahara and Konatsu Furuya, Tokyo Foundation Executive Director Mari Suzuki, (middle row, left to right) fellow Mirco Vannoni, SSC Chair Massimo Massaro, secretariat member Nozomu Kawamoto, and (bottom row) fellow Valerio Lombino.

The Sylff program at the Institute—called the Idea-Action Research Program—supports young researchers conducting academic and personal inquiries aimed at making tangible social impact, particularly in Sicily, where the Institute is located.

In his opening remarks, the Institute’s Sylff Steering Committee Chair Massimo Massaro, himself a former fellowship recipient, thanked the Tokyo Foundation “for continuing to believe in our work and our research.” Reflecting on his own experience, he said “Sylff is like a family to me, enabling me to grow both professionally and personally. I’ve done my best to give others the same opportunity that the Foundation and the Institute gave me many years ago.”

Massaro emphasized the program’s commitment to social change. “The research funded by Sylff is very important for us because it is an investment in human capital. The focus is not just on academic excellence but also on applying scientific knowledge to find concrete solutions to real-world issues and on pushing ourselves to be socially and politically engaged.”

The three fellows for fical 2025—Alessio Castiglione, Valerio Lombino, and Mirco Vannoni—then presented their research projects.

Alessio Castiglione is exploring how grassroots storytelling and community-based art can foster social inclusion and urban regeneration. Combining psychology, pedagogy, and urban sociology, his research focuses on participatory creative practices in Palermo that encourage active citizenship and democratic engagement. As a Sylff fellow, he will map storytelling communities, conduct qualitative fieldwork, and develop a theoretical framework linking creative expression to urban governance. His leadership is demonstrated through initiatives like the Newbookclub, which turns public spaces into inclusive cultural forums. Castiglione aims to inspire scalable models of community-led development and contribute to inclusive policymaking.

Valerio Lombino is a cultural manager and scholar specializing in participatory archival practices and the preservation of community heritage in Palermo. With a track record of inclusive leadership in curatorial programming and cultural project design, he has championed broader access to heritage and amplified underrepresented voices. As a Sylff fellow, Lombino will conduct a transdisciplinary literature review, attend conferences, publish scholarly articles, and lead seminars on archival activism. His vision includes empowering communities to co-author their cultural narratives through sustainable, community-led archival models rooted in collaboration and shared leadership.

Mirco Vannoni brings a background in cultural studies and social advocacy, focusing on issues of homelessness, incarceration, and cultural exclusion. His work with incarcerated individuals and marginalized communities has deepened his understanding of how cultural institutions, such as museums, can alienate the most vulnerable. His Sylff project will include seminars, comparative research, academic publishing, and conference participation exploring poverty, social exclusion, and cultural participation. Vannoni’s leadership includes co-founding social justice festivals and coordinating interdisciplinary European projects. His action-oriented research and commitment to inclusive cultural policy exemplify the kind of socially engaged leadership that Sylff seeks to foster.

The orientation meeting offered a glimpse into the fellows’ research goals and their shared desire to improve the lives of individuals and communities in Sicily. We are delighted to welcome the new “Pedro Arrupe” fellows into the Sylff community and look forward to supporting them as they advance their work at the intersection of scholarship and social impact.

The three Idea-Action fellows for fiscal 2025 are, from left, Alessio Castiglione, Valerio Lombino, and Mirco Vannoni.

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Sylff@Tokyo: A Surprise Visit from a Fellow-Turned-Basque-Minister

May 20, 2025

On the morning of Wednesday, May 14, 2025, the Tokyo Foundation received an unexpected but welcome phone call. Mikel Jauregi Letemendia, a 1998 Sylff fellow from the University of Deusto and currently Minister of Industry, Energy Transition, and Sustainability in the Basque Government of Spain, wished to stop by for a courtesy visit and word of thanks.

At the Foundation’s office, Jauregi was warmly received by Sylff Association Chairman Yohei Sasakawa and Tokyo Foundation President Mieko Nakabayashi.

Basque Minister Mikel Jauregi being welcomed by Sylff Association Chairman Yohei Sasakawa.

Appointed to his ministerial post under the Imanol Pradales administration in June 2024, Minister Jauregi was in Japan as part of an economic cooperation initiative rooted in the 2019 Memorandum of Understanding between the Basque Government and Fukushima Prefecture to promote collaboration in renewable energy.

During the visit, he reflected on his longstanding ties with Japan through the Sylff community. He participated in a Sylff Regional Forum in the early 2000s and was a member of the Sylff Fellows Council, through which he visited Japan and developed a deep appreciation for its culture—especially memorable were his experiences in Hakone.

Professionally, Jauregi built a distinguished career in the private energy sector, working with firms such as PwC, BP, and Centrica, and was based in London before receiving a call from the Basque Government to take up the ministerial post—a request he accepted in part out of a sense of gratitude for the support he received as a Sylff fellow.

As Minister, Jauregi has focused on strengthening partnerships between the Basque Government and industrial clusters, technology centers, and private-sector firms to enhance the region’s economic competitiveness. In October 2024, he led a delegation to Japan and Taiwan to showcase the Basque Country’s capabilities in industry, technology, and innovation.

“Sylff played a major role in shaping who I am,” he said during the visit. “Now, I want to use my experience to give back to society.”

The Sylff Association secretariat was honored by Minister Jauregi’s visit and proud to see a former fellow embodying Sylff’s mission through a life of professional excellence and public service.

 

  • HOME
  • 投稿者 : ld-sylff

Sylff@Tokyo: Comenius University Strengthening Global Ties through International Outreach

May 20, 2025

The Sylff Association secretariat was honored to welcome Jozef Tancer and Lucia Vilcekova of Comenius University in Bratislava on April 24. Their visit was part of a broader delegation of nearly 50 Slovak academics organized by the Slovak Ministry of Education, Research, Development, and Youth to deepen and forge new ties with Japanese institutions.

Tancer is the vice-rector for international relations at Comenius and chair of the university’s Sylff steering committee. A noted expert in German language and history, he also heads the Department of German, Dutch, and Scandinavian Studies in the Faculty of the Arts. Vilcekova is the vice-dean for international relations in the Faculty of Management.

In addition to visiting the Tokyo Foundation, they also met with various academic and institutional partners in Tokyo, Kyoto, and Hiroshima.

Comenius University Vice-Rector Jozef Tancer, seated right, and Lucia Vilcekova, along with members of the Sylff Association secretariat.

Comenius University is a new scheme Sylff institution, providing fellowships to full-time PhD students in the Faculty of Arts, Faculty of Law, Faculty of Education, Faculty of Management, and Faculty of Social and Economic Sciences. The fellowships are primarily used to support international research, conference attendance, and publication in peer-reviewed academic journals—all of which are critical for building academic credibility during doctoral training.

“Many of our Slovak students look for mobility opportunities abroad, even if just for one semester,” says Tancer. “One of the advantages of our faculty is that we offer around 60 courses each semester in English, including full degree program, which makes it easy for us to receive students from abroad.”

Vilčeková adds that Sylff helps students to showcase their research on international platforms: “Even when their research is focused on domestic issues, it would be a pity if their findings are known only in Slovakia.”

Comenius is also making efforts to attract more foreign students, which is particularly important given Slovakia’s relatively small size—its total population is roughly one-third that of Tokyo. Tancer believes that international exchange and multilingualism are essential to a well-rounded education.

“In the past, being able to read English, German, and French was part of what it meant to be an educated person.” He notes, however, that the COVID-19 pandemic had an alarming impact on students’ well-being. “Many PhD students became isolated, and around 30 to 40 percent reported mental health issues. Even after returning to campus, many struggled with in-person lectures, discussions, and workshops.”

This shift has also affected communication skills. “When we hire new staff in my department, we often ask candidates to make a short phone call. For many young people, that can be a real challenge—they’re used to writing emails or texting messages but not speaking directly.”

Despite these challenges, Comenius continues to cultivate globally minded scholars and professionals. Past Sylff fellows from the university have gone on to distinguished careers in politics, government, academia, the private sector, and civil society. One such fellow is Milan Šagát (2005), managing director of ČERVENÝ NOS Clowndoctors, an organization that uses the art of clowning to support the emotional well-being of hospitalized children and seniors.

©ČERVENÝ NOS Clowndoctors

The Sylff Association secretariat applauds Comenius University’s commitment to internationalization, multilingual education, and student well-being. These efforts reflect the core values of the Sylff Mission: to nurture leaders who transcend differences in language, nationality, and political systems to bring about positive social change in global society and the local community.