Category Archives: Voices

Rightly Guided Leaders: The Role of Religion in the Political Ideology of Viktor Orbán and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan

January 8, 2025
By 29256

Viktor Orbán and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan have strategically used religion to shape their political ideologies and establish unchallenged power in Hungary and Turkey. Tamas Dudlak (Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2021) introduces his groundbreaking comparative study on how their religious discourses reflect and influence their political systems.

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As part of my SRG 2023 research project, I compared the role of religion in the political ideology of contemporary Hungary and Turkey. Over the last decade, there has been a growing interest in illiberal governance systems, primarily concerning Hungary and Turkey (Bremmer 2018; Economist 2018). Beyond superficial comparisons of these illiberal states, however, the similarities and differences between the lengthy political careers of Viktor Orbán and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and their respective ideologies have not gained much academic attention.

Recently, both Orbán and Erdoğan have utilized the same power techniques to maintain their unchallenged leading position in their respective countries: their strategy can be characterized by changes to the electoral system, excessive media control, defamatory campaigns against political competitors (Jobbik and HDP parties, respectively), aggrandizement of internal-external enemies (Soros-Brussels and Gülen-Washington, respectively), and emphasis on identity politics (nationalism and religious mobilization).

The careers of the two leaders represent the main patterns of political evolution in Hungary and Turkey after the Cold War. Both Orbán and Erdoğan followed global political ideologies (liberalism and nationalism, though in different forms) and utilized them in different periods of their careers. And then, around the economic crisis in 2008, they shifted their political focus to populism, nationalist ideals, and religiosity (Christianity and Islam, respectively), thereby challenging the foundations of the liberal and secular democratic systems in their respective countries.

While attempts have been made in the literature to define the religious foundations of the two systems (institutions, movements, parties, and belief systems), the religious discourse of Orbán and Erdoğan has not been addressed in depth and comparatively. Despite the growing literature on populism, illiberalism, and authoritarian tendencies in the “Western periphery,” there is a lack of context-sensitive analysis of the religious ideas expressed by Orbán and Erdoğan.

The Shaping of the Religious Narrative

To fill this gap, I conducted research to compare the circumstances that shaped the religious narrative of the two leaders. The goal was to acquire an empirical understanding of how religious discourses have been formulated by politicians in Hungary and Turkey over the last decade and a half and what underlying factors (historical and geopolitical) and current circumstances (legislative background and the domestic and foreign political environment) shape the outcome of governmental decisions (political practice) and discourses (political theory).

By explaining the differences and similarities, I hope to shed light on the essential characteristics of these systems and to arrive at a better understanding of the evolution of the religious discourses utilized.

St. Stephen’s Basilica, completed in 1906, is the largest church in Budapest.

I focused on the Hungarian and Turkish governmental “mainstream” religious discourse after 2010 to determine how the leaders of these political systems thematize Christianity and Islam in their political agenda (identity, national goals, moral values, and humanitarianism). The empirical part of the research examined how the two leaders, Viktor Orbán and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, perceived the role of religion in their formative years and how religion later came to inform their political views.

As a matter of general or theoretical inquiry, I compared how illiberal governments conduct their religious discourses. Are Turkey and Hungary going in the same direction in their respective religious policies, for example, utilizing religion for counter-Europeanization or anti-Westernism and supporting a distinctive civilizational identity?

The underlying narratives were examined by discourse and content analysis. For this purpose, I focused on the official statements and speeches of Orbán and Erdoğan. The central position of the leaders can be explained by their dominant role in constituting the current political systems in Hungary and Turkey. In countries where populist politics thrive, the charismatic leader gains greater importance in the political arena.

Similar Patterns

Commonalities between the careers of Viktor Orbán and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan are evident. Both grew up in the peripheries (countryside) of secular political systems with nondemocratic characteristics (socialism and Kemalism, respectively), yet religiosity played an essential role in their early lives. Later, their success was related to their ability to mobilize critical voices against these secular regimes; consequently, they were elected as reformists and became advocates of liberal democracy during their early political life (in the 1990s and 2000s).

Around the economic crisis in 2008, though, they gradually shifted their political focus to populism, nationalist ideals, and religiosity (Christianity and Islam, respectively), thereby challenging the foundations of the liberal and secular democratic system. Instead of following the path for which they had previously advocated, both leaders launched a rhetorical campaign against the West and its institutions and, at the same time, started to give greater attention to the East and South in their foreign and identity policies.

Two paradigm shifts can be identified in the political careers of Orbán and Erdoğan. These brought a new set of views and political theory to political practice. To put it differently, both leaders reorganized and rephrased the basis of their political legitimacy many times, using similar patterns, as follows:

Erdoğan

Orbán

Shifted first from an Islamist politician to a moderate Islamist (with liberal elements) and then transformed into a Muslim nationalist (with authoritarian elements).

Was a petty bourgeois with a conservative background (prior to embarking on political career), embracing liberal thinking as a university student and initially as a politician. After becoming well-established, he drove his party to conservativism and religiousness and bracketed the issue of democracy in practice (illiberalism).


Orbán’s party, Fidesz (originally Fiatal Demokraták Szövetsége, or Alliance of Young Democrats), came to power in 2010 with a firm policy against the liberal elite, having earlier led a coalition government between 1998 and 2002. Once in power, Orbán continued the fight against external and internal elites. After weakening the domestic liberal elite, Orbán’s political struggle has increasingly transformed into a campaign against the influence of foreigners. The most striking example is his ongoing confrontation with the EU and the so-called “values of the Western elites.”

A similar pattern can be observed in the case of Erdoğan. Even though Erdoğan’s party, the AKP (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, or Justice and Development Party), has been in power since 2002, he increasingly emphasized the unifying nature and cultural importance of the Turkish identity and Islam to a Turkish public disillusioned with the EU accession process. Although initially popular with Western leaders, Erdoğan’s rhetoric toward Turkey’s Western allies slowly gave way to criticism as Turkish democracy failed to consolidate, and authoritarian tendencies in Turkey deepened. And as Erdoğan fell out of grace, he increasingly interlinked the domestic opposition to certain external forces of the West that allegedly tried to overthrow him as Turkey’s “legitimate leader.” This anti-liberal and anti-Western narrative created a revanchist style of populism based on the dichotomic worldview that Western civilization and Islam are incompatible (Kaya et al. 2019, 7–8).

Geopolitical Liminality

Beyond the direction of political development, the geopolitical status of Hungary and Turkey also has some similarities. Geopolitical liminality is the main characteristic of the two, even if Hungary became an “insider” as an EU member while Turkey remained a relative “outsider” of the European project and the continent itself (ww and Kutlay 2017, 1). Therefore, it might be more precise to say that while Hungary is on the periphery of the West, Turkey is on the periphery of Europe. Turkey is on the periphery of the Middle East and the Islamic civilization, while Hungary is on the southeastern flank of Western Christianity (Roman Catholicism, Calvinism, and Lutheranism), surrounded by the “Orthodox civilization.”

The Hagia Sophia in Istanbul was originally built as a church, then converted to a mosque before serving as a museum between 1935 and the summer of 2020. Since then, it has been reconverted to a mosque.

This in-betweenness makes these cases interesting from a religious point of view, since the geopolitical positions of Turkey and Hungary postulate highly contested and confrontational identity formations.

Despite the commonalities between the two leaders and their respective political systems, the crucial question is why and how Orbán and Erdoğan sometimes departed on a different path. In the light of global political tendencies, the interesting puzzle lies in how the two leaders define the nature and aims of their respective political systems through the language of religion.

My research, I believe, can contribute to the literature in two ways. The comparative work is the first of its kind and can thus shed light on the essential characteristics of these political systems and better identify the main themes of the respective religious discourses. The findings can also open a new area of research, leading to a fuller understanding and theorization of how illiberal governments design their religious discourses and build policies around certain religious ideals.

 

References

Bremmer, Ian. 2018. “The ‘Strongmen Era’ Is Here. Here’s What It Means for You.” Time, May 3. https://time.com/5264170/the-strongmen-era-is-here-heres-what-it-means-for-you/.

Economist. 2018. “How Democracy Dies. Lessons from the Rise of Strongmen in Weak States,” June 16. https://www.economist.com/leaders/2018/06/16/lessons-from-the-rise-of-strongmen-in-weak-states.

Kaya, Ayhan, Max-Valentin Robert, and Ayşe Tecmen. 2019. “Populism in Turkey and France: Nativism, Multiculturalism and Euroskepticism.” Turkish Studies 21 (3).

Öniş, Ziya, and Mustafa Kutlay. 2017. “Global Shifts and the Limits of the EU’s Transformative Power in the European Periphery: Comparative Perspectives from Hungary and Turkey.” Government and Opposition 54 (2).

EDI Rhetoric and the Experiences of LGBTQ+ International Students in Canada

December 10, 2024
By 31445

The experiences of LGBTQ+ international students in Canada point to a complex web of challenges, writes Fatemeh Gharibi (York University, 2020), from discriminatory immigration and academic policies to revenue-motivated promises of inclusion, highlighting contradictions in the country’s equity, diversity, and inclusion rhetoric.

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Over 7 million students in higher education globally hold international status, a number growing due to globalization and the evolution of the “knowledge economy” (Corkum 2017, 110; Trilokekar et al. 2020, 9). In response to rising anti-immigrant sentiments and political shifts to the right, Canada has introduced caps on international students, impacting both current and prospective students (IRCC 2024). These restrictions, alongside recent price surges and housing crises blamed on migrants, disproportionately affect international students, particularly those with temporary status in Canada (Hamilton & Su 2024). Marc Miller, Canada’s minister of immigration, announced in 2023 that international student caps would also affect students already in the country, impacting admission, work permits, and other vital aspects of their stay.

LGBTQ+ international students face additional challenges, influenced by changes in immigration policies and the social climate regarding LGBTQ+ rights, which affect their quality of life and access to resources. Anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment has also been rising in Canada, with legislation such as Bill 137 in Saskatchewan, which mandates parental consent for minors to use a different gender-related name or pronoun at school, sparking concerns for LGBTQ+ students who came to Canada for a more accepting environment (Marshall 2021; Corkum 2017). Research shows that anti-LGBTQ+ ideologies often intersect with other bigoted beliefs and far-right politics, impacting LGBTQ+ international students disproportionately (Dietzel et al. 2023).

As a queer, racialized international student, I find Canada’s Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) rhetoric contradictory, given the exploitative nature of its immigration and education systems, which create precarities for marginalized groups. Economic-driven research on international students, often criticized as “reductionist,” fails to fully capture the lived experiences of these students (Tavares 2021a, 5). To address this gap, I conducted a systematic literature review of 100 sources from 2000 to 2024, exploring the experiences of LGBTQ+ international students and the intersection of university internationalization, EDI priorities, and their impacts on these students.

The review revealed that while migration offers LGBTQ+ students opportunities for self-exploration, it also exposes them to unique challenges, including discrimination based on intersecting identities like race, sexuality, status, and nationality. For these students, access to resources is limited compared to their domestic counterparts. The commercialization of education for international students, moreover, conflicts with EDI’s goals. EDI is often used as a marketing tool to portray Canada as inclusive while treating diversity as a commodity to attract students who are then exploited as revenue sources. This dual focus on profit and diversity branding highlights the contradictions in EDI policies in capitalist countries like Canada, which may appear inclusive but prioritize revenue generation over actual support for international students’ well-being.

“We Reject Your ‘Use and Throw’ Policy.” Day 45 (October 13, 2024) of protests in Brampton, where former international students have been camping outdoors to draw attention to recent policy changes in Canada.

International LGBTQ+ Students’ Experiences

The term “international student” is often homogenizing, lumping together people from diverse backgrounds; my research centers on students from the Global South in Canada, highlighting voices lacking the privileges of white, Western counterparts. For LGBTQ+ international students, migration can be a space for identity exploration (Corkum 2017; Nguyen et al. 2017; Oba & Pope 2013), but these students also encounter challenges within Canada’s racial and colonial hierarchies, affecting them through discriminatory immigration and academic policies (Yao et al. 2019; Lee 2019; Stein & de Andreotti 2016). Two key literature areas address these students’ experiences.

The first area focuses on “identity development” and cultural challenges in “coming out,” exploring dual cultural influences of home and host countries, and the need for culturally sensitive support (Nguyen et al. 2017; Quach et al. 2013; Oba & Pope 2013). This literature notes the complexity of disclosure due to family, cultural beliefs, and the legal status of LGBTQ+ rights in home countries (Nguyen et al. 2017, 113–14). However, by centering on cultural differences, it sometimes neglects broader power structures, racial issues, and the historical spread of homophobia via colonization, as well as recent anti-LGBTQ+ backlashes in the Global North.

The second area explores how racism, nationalism, and colonialism impact queer migrant bodies and create precarious statuses (Marshall 2021; Corkum 2017; Lee 2019). Concepts like “homonationalism” in Canada reveal how some queer identities, especially white ones, are embraced by the state, reinforcing inequalities (Puar 2017; Marshall 2021). Corkum (2017, 124) specifically highlights the disillusionment faced by LGBTQ+ international students who confront values favoring their white, Canadian-born peers, which can hinder their belonging and relegate racialized queer students to marginal spaces. My present study aligns with a “holistic” approach (Tavares 2021a), focusing on lived experiences and challenging systemic barriers.

There remains a gap in research on how issues like gender and sexuality affect broader challenges like housing, employment, health, and social services access. The current literature on LGBTQ+ international students largely prioritizes identity while overlooking trans-specific experiences, disabilities, and relationship with land, with only brief mentions of nationality and status.

Implications of Internationalization and EDI

Internationalization is a high priority at 95% of Canadian universities (AUCC, cited in Stein & de Andreotti 2016, 230), driven by neoliberal economic shifts and global politics. De Wit et al. describe the four rationales for this trend as “political, economic, socio-cultural, and academic” (cited in Guo & Guo 2017, 853). Though academic internationalization ideally integrates international perspectives into education (Jane Knight, cited in Das Gupta & Gomez 2023, 73), it often becomes a “marketing strategy” aimed at revenue generation, with international students paying higher fees to make up for public funding cuts (Guo & Guo 2017, 851; Das Gupta & Gomez 2023; McCartney & Metcalfe 2018).

EDI strategies in Canada were introduced post-1970s as responses to civil rights movements and neoliberal immigration priorities, framed by multiculturalism and human rights (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023, 72). EDI policies help market Canadian education as inclusive, particularly to students of color from the Global South, positioning Canada as tolerant and benevolent. However, EDI can reinforce Western dominance by perpetuating a global hierarchy where the West is always positioned as superior (Stein & de Andreotti 2016, 226).

While EDI and internationalization are priorities for Canadian universities, their revenue-driven approaches often undermine true equity for international students, leading to contradictions in policies and practices (Buckner et al. 2022, 39; Tavares 2021b, 2). The focus on generating income through recruitment can overshadow equitable treatment and inclusion for these students. The following section will further explore international students’ experiences of EDI in educational settings.

EDI Strategies and International Students

Few studies have investigated EDI strategies concerning international students, with none of them specifically addressing gender and sexuality. These studies raise concerns about the effectiveness of EDI practices, particularly in the context of internationalization, due to the inherent contradiction between the two (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023; Buckner et al. 2022; Tavares 2021b). I seek to connect these findings to relevant experiences of international LGBTQ+ students.

Equity?

Tamtik and Guenter (2019) emphasize that Canadian universities largely overlook international students as an equity-seeking group, even though many are people of color and face unique barriers due to their temporary status. Buckner et al. (2022) argue that universities need to address the contradiction between market and equity logics, especially in relation to tuition disparities between international and domestic students. Das Gupta and Gomez (2023, 81) note that international students, particularly those with post-graduate work permits, often lack access to settlement and social services. This gap extends to international LGBTQ+ students, who encounter difficulties in accessing necessary medical and legal services related to gender transitioning and HIV prevention (OHTN n.d., 5).

Diversity?

Diversity is often promoted as a means of enriching knowledge and intercultural connections (Legusov & Jafar 2021, 57), yet Trilokekar and El Masri (2016, 674–76) reveal that the process of recruiting international students and their integration into Canadian society often reinforces conformity to Canadian norms around race, language, and religion, limiting the genuine mutual exchange intended. International students frequently find that their presence does not foster true intercultural connections, as curricula often lack international perspectives, and their experiences are undervalued (Tavares 2021b; Guo & Guo 2017). Ahmed (2012, 10–11) observes that “diversity” is frequently presented as an achievement even when there is no real institutional change. Moreover, while gender and sexual diversity are celebrated, Canadian universities often fail to address the unique needs of international LGBTQ+ students who prioritize privacy over visibility due to concerns like “diasporic surveillance” (Nguyen et al. 2017, 117–18; Corkum 2017, 114).

Inclusion?

Tavares (2021b, 1) finds that international students often experience superficial multiculturalism and social exclusion. LGBTQ+ international students face barriers both within the university and in queer communities, feeling isolated as “the international ones” in local LGBTQ+ groups and “the LGBTQ+ ones” among international students (Corkum 2017; Nguyen et al. 2017). Inclusion is problematic within a system that marginalizes certain groups, as Lenon and Dryden (2015, 16) argue, pointing out that “inclusion does not equate to justice.” They contend that inclusion efforts often uphold neoliberalism, white supremacy, and Western dominance, exacerbating the vulnerabilities of international LGBTQ+ students (Lenon & Dryden 2015; Thobani 2007).

The author, left, presents research findings in a panel titled “From Failure to Refusal: Queerness, Migrancy, and Other Improper Subjects of Racial and Colonial Capitalism” at the Congress of Social Sciences and Humanities, Toronto, Canada, May, 2023. The other panelists are, from left, Rhiannon Cobb, Mengzhu Fu, and Jin Haritaworn.

Closing Remarks

The existing literature provides an intersectional analysis of international LGBTQ+ students’ experiences, but more nuanced frameworks are needed to understand issues concerning their identities. Dominant identity categorizations in Western academia, like queer of color, may not fully capture their social locations, as they come from different racial structures in their home countries and may not initially feel connected to either queer or people of color histories and concerns in the host country. To address these incompatibilities, researchers have attempted to incorporate queer diasporic critique, neo-racism frameworks, and transnational critical race theory frameworks (Corkum 2017; Lee & Rice 2007; Yao et al 2019).

The literature examining EDI and decolonization in the context of internationalization presents two main approaches: one advocates for reforms within existing frameworks, focusing on improving EDI fulfillment through enhanced student support (Buckner et al. 2022; Tavares 2021b), and integrating Indigenous knowledge to decolonize internationalization (Beck & Pidgeon 2022). Another perspective challenges the systems of oppression at local and global levels and questions the feasibility of achieving equity, diversity, inclusion, and decolonization for international students within the current framework (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023).

Incorporating critical frameworks in everyday encounters and work with international students can challenge the reproduction of deficit narratives and expectations for seamless assimilation into local sexuality norms. Instead of constantly attempting to educate international students about the host country’s norms, there is a need to teach domestic students, faculty, staff, and society about other countries. It is essential to learn from the diverse stories and knowledge of international students, how they envision classrooms, campuses, queer and trans spaces, immigration, and internationalization, and be prepared to start adjusting instead of expecting them to do all the work.

References

Ahmed, S. 2012. On Being Included: Racism and Diversity in Institutional Life. Duke University Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_proquest_miscellaneous_1082140471.

Beck, K. & Pidgeon, M. 2020. “Across the Divide: Critical Conversations on Decolonization, Indigenization, and Internationalization.” In Tamtik, M., Trilokekar, R. D., & Jones, G. A., eds., International Education as Public Policy in Canada, 384–406. McGill-Queen’s University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18sqz9q.22.

Brunner, L. R. 2023. “Settler Nation-Building through Immigration as a Rationale for Higher Education: A Critical Discourse Analysis.” Higher Education Research & Development, 42(5), 1086–1102. https://doi.org/10.1080/07294360.2023.2193732.

Buckner, E., Chan, E., & Kim, C. 2022. “Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion on Canadian Universities: Where Do International Students Fit In?” Comparative and International Education, 51(1), 39–56. https://ojs.lib.uwo.ca/index.php/cie-eci/article/view/14613.

Corkum, T. 2017. “Where Do I Begin? Educational Citizenship and Sexual Minority International Students in Ontario.” In Carpenter, S. & Mojab, S., eds., Youth as/in Crisis: Young People, Public Policy, and the Politics of Learning, 109–25. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-94-6351-098-1_8.

Das Gupta, T. & Gomez, B. 2023. “International Students and Equity, Diversity and Inclusivity (EDI) in Canadian Universities: A Critical Look.” In Kim, A., Buckner, E., & Montsion, J. M., eds., International Students from Asia in Canadian Universities, 72–85. Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/oa-edit/10.4324/b23160-7/international-students-equity-diversity-inclusivity-edi-canadian-universities-tania-das-gupta-bianca-gomez.

Dietzel, C., Maitland, H., & Jonsson, S. 2023. “Queerphobic Hate Is on the Rise, and LGBTQ+ Communities in Canada Need More Support.” The Conversation, October 24. http://theconversation.com/queerphobic-hate-is-on-the-rise-and-lgbtq-communities-in-canada-need-more-support-214932.

Guo, Y. & Guo, S. 2017. “Internationalization of Canadian Higher Education: Discrepancies between Policies and International Student Experiences.” Studies in Higher Education, 42(5), 851–868. https://doi.org/10.1080/03075079.2017.1293874.

Hamilton, L. & Su, Y. 2024. “International Students Cap Falsely Blames Them for Canada’s Housing and Health-Care Woes.” The Conversation, January 25. http://theconversation.com/international-students-cap-falsely-blames-them-for-canadas-housing-and-health-care-woes-221859.

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). 2024. “Canada to Stabilize Growth and Decrease Number of New International Student Permits Issued to Approximately 360,000 for 2024.” News Release, January 22. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/2024/01/canada-to-stabilize-growth-and-decrease-number-of-new-international-student-permits-issued-to-approximately-360000-for-2024.html.

Lee, E. O. J. 2019. “Responses to Structural Violence: The Everyday Ways in Which Queer and Trans Migrants with Precarious Status Respond to and Resist the Canadian Immigration Regime.” International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, 10(1), 70–94. https://doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs101201918807.

Lee, J. J., & Rice, C. 2007. “Welcome to America? International Student Perceptions of Discrimination.” Higher Education, 53(3), 381–409. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10734-005-4508-3.

Legusov, O. & Jafar, H. F. 2021. “International Students at Canadian Community Colleges: Origins, Evolution, and Current Trends.” In Malveaux, G. & Bista, K., eds., International Students at US Community Colleges, 55–70. Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/edit/10.4324/9781003121978-5/international-students-canadian-community-colleges-oleg-legusov-hayfa-jafar?context=ubx&refId=3e351ea8-8115-4ad5-8588-cdf6b045bc7c.

Lenon, S. & Dryden, O. H. 2015. “Introduction: Interventions, Iterations, and Interrogations That Disturb the (Homo)Nation.” In Dryden, O. H. & Lenon, S., eds., Disrupting Queer Inclusion: Canadian Homonationalisms and the Politics of Belonging, 3–18. UBC Press.

Marshall, N. 2021. “Queering CYC Praxis: What I Learned from LGBTQI+ Newcomer, Refugee, and Immigrant Students’ Experiences in Canada.” International Journal of Child, Youth and Family Studies, 12(3–4), 170–202. https://doi.org/10.18357/ijcyfs123-4202120344.

McCartney, D. M. & Metcalfe, A. S. 2018. “Corporatization of Higher Education through Internationalization: The Emergence of Pathway Colleges in Canada.” Tertiary Education and Management 24 (3): 206–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/13583883.2018.1439997.

Nguyen, H. N., Agrawal, A., & Grafsky, E. L. 2017. “International LGBTQ Students across Borders and within the University. In Johnson, J. M. & Javier, G., eds., Queer People of Color in Higher Education, 109–22. Information Age Publishing, Inc. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/26r5oc/alma991036306548005164.

Oba, Y. & Pope, M. 2013. “Counseling and Advocacy with LGBT International Students.” Journal of LGBT Issues in Counseling, 7(2), 185–93. https://doi.org/10.1080/15538605.2013.785468.

Ontario Network for HIV Treatment (OHTN). n.d. Connection and Acceptance: A Resource Guide for Providers Serving International LGBTQ+ Students. https://hqtoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/OHTN-International-Student-Provider-Resource.pdf.

Puar, J. K. 2017. Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (Tenth Anniversary Expanded Edition). Duke University Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9780822371755.

Stein, S. & de Andreotti, V. O. 2016. “Cash, Competition, or Charity: International Students and the Global Imaginary. Higher Education, 72 (2), 225–39. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10734-015-9949-8.

Tamtik, M. & Guenter, M. 2019. “Policy Analysis of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion Strategies in Canadian Universities: How Far Have We Come?” Canadian Journal of Higher Education / Revue canadienne d’enseignement supérieur, 49(3), 41–56. https://doi.org/10.7202/1066634ar.

Tavares, V. 2021a. International Students in Higher Education: Language, Identity, and Experience from a Holistic Perspective. Rowman & Littlefield. https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781793641113/International-Students-in-Higher-Education-Language-Identity-and-Experience-from-a-Holistic-Perspective.

Tavares, V. 2021b. “Feeling Excluded: International Students Experience Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion.” International Journal of Inclusive Education, 28(8), 1551–68. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2021.2008536.

Thobani, S. 2007. Exalted Subjects: Studies in the Making of Race and Nation in Canada. University of Toronto Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9781442691520.

Trilokekar, R. D., Jones, G.A., & Tamtik, M. 2020. “Introduction: The Emergence of International Education as Public Policy.” In Tamtik, M., Trilokekar, R. D., & Jones, G.A., eds., International Education as Public Policy in Canada, 3–26. McGill-Queen’s University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18sqz9q.5.

Trilokekar, R. D. & El Masri, A. 2016. “The ‘[H]unt for New Canadians Begins in the Classroom’: The Construction and Contradictions of Canadian Policy Discourse on International Education. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 15(5), 666–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2016.1222897.

Tuck, E. & Yang, K. W. 2012. “Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor.” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), 1–40. https://clas.osu.edu/sites/clas.osu.edu/files/Tuck%20and%20Yang%202012%20Decolonization%20is%20not%20a%20metaphor.pdf.

Quach, A. S., Todd, M. E., Hepp, B. W., & Doneker Mancini, K. L. 2013. “Conceptualizing Sexual Identity Development: Implications for GLB Chinese International Students.” Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 9(3), 254–72. https://doi.org/10.1080/1550428X.2013.781908.

Yao, C. W., Mwangi, C. A. G., & Brown, V. K. M. 2019. “Exploring the Intersection of Transnationalism and Critical Race Theory: A Critical Race Analysis of International Student Experiences in the United States.” Race Ethnicity and Education, 22(1), 38–58. https://doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2018.1497968

Cultural Rights in Serbia: A Report

December 5, 2024
By 31741

Cultural rights are constitutionally guaranteed in Serbia, yet face significant challenges due to limited funding, brain drain, and economic instability. This report by Aleksa Nikolic (University of Belgrade, 2024) examines Serbia’s legal framework and steps toward improvement.

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What Are Cultural Rights?

Pok Yin Chow begins his recently published book Cultural Rights in International Law and Discourse: Contemporary Challenges and Interdisciplinary Perspectives with an introduction entitled “Cultural Rights—A Radical Hope?” In it, Chow tries to show that cultural rights are an integral component of human rights that are as fundamental as civil, political, economic, and social rights. The disintegration of the bipolar world has served to highlight the importance of this aspect of human rights, providing us with a much-needed perspective on how we can explore, negotiate, and come to a deeper understanding of various cultures.

Cultural rights can be assessed as a precondition for the protection of other human rights. They are also critical considerations in numerous hotspots, such as conflict and post-conflict zones. Cultural rights can serve as pillars in the development of society and its legal system.

Cultural Rights under Serbian Law

Human rights are guaranteed in the current Constitution of the Republic of Serbia (Article 18). Given the fact that Serbia has ratified the most important international legal conventions on human rights, one gets the impression that these guarantees are unnecessarily duplicated in the Constitution. However, Serbia is by no means an exception, considering that the global trend is for not only the constitutionalization of international law but also the internationalization of constitutional law, especially in the field of human rights.

Constitutional references to cultural rights in only three articles (Articles 71–73), though, testify to the fact that they have advanced the least in their evolution compared to other human rights. Article 71 guarantees that everyone has the “right to education” and that the government “shall provide for free tertiary education to successful and talented students of lower property status in accordance with the law.” Article 72 guarantees the autonomy of universities, faculties, and scientific institutions, which “shall decide freely on their organization and work in accordance with the law.”

Article 73 proclaims that “scientific and artistic creativity shall be unrestricted,” with authors of scientific and artistic works being “guaranteed moral and material rights in accordance with the law” and the Republic of Serbia assisting and promoting the “development of science, culture and art.”

The wording of these provisions suggests, though, that the Constitution guarantees cultural rights only in principle, with specific protections being elucidated by legal acts.

A border sign saying “Goodbye” from the Republic of Serbia. CC BY 2.0 via Wikimedia Commons

Upholding Cultural Rights in Practice

The key problem related to upholding cultural rights in Serbia is the country’s fiscal situation. The state’s science budget is extremely low, with allocations in 2019 for research and development totaling only 0.4% of gross domestic product, or just one-eighth of levels in Austria. This points to the need to restructure the research and development system and define new strategies to improve the position of cultural rights.

Indeed, the Serbian government’s latest long-term strategy for scientific and technological development could lead to shifts in investment patterns and improvements in scientic standards. The idea of combining institutional and project financing of scientific research is encouraging, but the ultimate goal of reforms should not be to solve just one in a series of key issues but to create a systemically efficient legal framework that will enable uninterrupted scientific research.

Another important precondition for improving the position of cultural rights is to prevent further “brain drain.” Particularly after the war events of the 1990s, Serbia encountered a large wave of migration. After many years of marginalizing this problem, the first steps toward its resolution have finally been taken. To encourcage the young, highly educated population to remain in the country, the competent ministry last year engaged 1,200 young PhD students in scientific research projects. While this is a positive trend, it is necessary to create a long-term strategy that will, among other things, guarantee young researchers employment after the expiration of these projects.

Given the need for increased funding, the country’s economic recovery may be an important prerequisite for further advancing the protection of cultural rights in the Republic of Serbia.

India and Southeast Asia: From “Look East” to “Act East”

November 22, 2024
By 21713

Close historical and cultural linkages between India and Southeast Asia have helped to build strong economic ties between the regions, which, argues Kamei Aphun (Jawaharlal Nehru University, 2004), can also lead to stronger security arrangements.

*     *     *

Sociologically, the term “culture” is used to differentiate groups of people based on their shared identity. Culture unites people and engenders a sense of togetherness. This does not mean, of course, that there is no interaction between cultural groups; like other entities, cultures may clash with one another or go through a process of bargaining and accommodation. Culture is a complex system that shapes and reshapes intergroup relations within societies.

India and Southeast Asia have a long history and tradition of cultural exchange through trade and commerce. According to Jayshree Sengupta, “Southeast Asia was particularly attractive to Indian mercantile class and they named the faraway lands Swarnabhumi or land of gold, Tokola or land of cardamoms or Narikeldeep, land of coconuts. They followed two routes—one through land via Bengal, Assam, Manipur and Burma to reach different parts of Southeast Asia. The other route was the maritime route from Coromandel coast or the coast of Bay of Bengal to Cape Comorin and via Malacca strait to reach the Malay Peninsula” (Sengupta 2017).

India and Southeast Asia also experienced colonization under such Western countries as Britain, France, the Netherlands, and Portugal in the nineteenth and twentieth century. Colonization involved economic exploitation and had a profound impact on the social, economic, cultural, and political development of the occupied regions.

Cultural Connections

Cultural ties between India and Southeast Asia are deep-rooted and diverse. The trade in goods led to the spread of religions like Hinduism and Buddhism from India to Southeast Asia, and languages like Sanskrit and Pali had a major impact on Southeast Asian languages. Similarly, Indian culture was influenced by Southeast Asia, as can be seen in Tamil culture, Indian cuisine, textiles, and music and dance. India’s Islamic architecture influenced Indonesian and Malaysian architecture, while Dravidian (South Indian) and Nagara (North Indian) architectural styles have influenced the design of temples in Southeast Asia.

Cultural commonalities are also found among the festivals of Rongali (Assam in Northeast India), Songkran of Thailand, Pi Mai in Laos, and Arunachal Pradesh’s Sangken, which are all celebrated around New Year’s.

 

The Anusawari Prachathipatai Democracy Monument in Bangkok, Thailand, incorporates design elements drawn from Hindu and Buddhist mythology.

India’s Look East Policy

Given the historical and cultural connection between India and Southeast Asia from ancient times to the post-independence period, India initiated a “Look East Policy” in 1991 as part of its foreign policy.

This policy was aimed at strengthening economic, strategic, and cultural ties with 23 countries in Southeast and East Asia, including Japan, South Korea, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bhutan, and Bangladesh. Northeast India played an integral part in this policy due to its geographical proximity to Southeast Asia. The various projects undertaken under the policy included the establishment of border trades centers in Moreh (Manipur); the improvement of transport links (the Indo-Myanmar Friendship Road; the Trilateral Highway linking India, Myanmar, and Thailand; the India-Myanmar rail link from Manipur to Hanoi via Myanmar; the Trans-Asian Highway; the Trans Asian highway from Singapore to Istanbul passing through India; and the Trans Asian Railway from Delhi to Hanoi); the hosting of the India-ASEAN Car Rally in 2004 from Guwahati, India, to Batam, Indonesia; the construction of the 800-km-long Trans-National Gas Pipe Line between Myanmar, Bangladesh, and India; and the implementation of Quick Impact Projects to build infrastructure in Cambodia, Laos, Myanmar, and Vietnam.

India’s Act East Policy

The Look East Policy was given an upgrade and rechristened as the “Act East Policy” in 2014, with the government rejuvenating its initiatives to actualize the potential of the policy. The Act East Policy marked a shift in India’s perspective of the world, as New Delhi gave priority to building cooperative ties with the rapidly rising economies of Southeast Asia.

The Northeast region was identified as being vital to the success of the policy for several reasons. First, four Northeastern states—namely Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland, Manipur, and Mizoram—shared borders with the Southeast Asian country of Myanmar. Second, besides geographical proximity, many ethnic groups in the Northeast region shared much in terms of culture, history, and even language with Southeast Asian countries. And third, the persisting problems of insurgency and economic underdevelopment were thought more resolvable by building stable ties with neighboring countries. The Act East Policy held the promise of actualizing both the internal and external aspirations of India, but materializing this vision would require thorough research and the implementation of appropriate decisions and policies.

As for the policy’s impact, the reality on the ground is that the results have thus far been mixed. Strong claims have been made that the central government was motivated by a desire not to promote the development of the Northeast region but rather to eliminate insurgency forces by cooperating with Myanmar. In this regard, Baruah (2007) maintains that the problem of the Northeast “did not begin with the insurgencies and it will not end with them.” In addition, while interaction between Southeast Asia and India overall has been increasing, that between the Northeast and its immediate neighbors has been in decline. Again, Baruah (2007) emphasizes that the need to establish not only maritime but also continental trade links to strengthen India’s economy in the long run provides ample reasons for the government to bolster its policies.

Other impediments to the realization of the policy’s goals include the requirement for Indian citizens to obtain Inner Line Permits to travel to protected tribal areas in the Northeast. This overcomplicates the process of making visits to and investing in the region; the abolition of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act, which grants special powers to the Indian Armed Forces to maintain public order in “disturbed areas” of the Northeast, has also been increasingly looked upon as a necessary step for the Act East Policy and related policies to bear fruit in the region.

And most importantly, the underdevelopment of road, rail, and air transport infrastructure needs to be addressed to ensure connectivity between the constituent states and other regions. The Act East Policy holds the potential of transforming the Northeast from peripheral status deprived of benefits to a robust region of trade and tourism where South and Southeast Asia meet.

Conclusion

Strengthening cultural linkages between India and Southeast Asia is an ambitious project that presents formidable challenges but also promises many benefits, as it can promote economic development in a region having a shared future and destiny. India’s Look/Act East Policy seeks to improve economic, political, and cultural relations with Southeast Asia by drawing on aged-old historical connections. It will guide India’s efforts to propel the region on the road to development fueled by cultural affinity, and this should help strengthen India’s position through the utilization of culture as a soft power.

 

The author with Sylff Association Chair Yohei Sasakawa during the April 2011 Building a Better Asia Young Leaders Retreat (BABA*) in Nara, Japan.

*Sylff News about "BABA".

References

Baruah, Sanjib. 2007. “Beyond Durable Disorder: Northeast India and the Look East Policy.” In Sanjib Baruah, ed., Durable Disorder: Understanding the Politics of Northeast India (pp. 211–236). Oxford University Press.

Coedes, George. 1965. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Haokip, Thongkholal. 2015. “India’s Look East Policy: Prospects and Challenges for Northeast India,” Studies in Indian Politics, Volume 3, Issue 2.

Keyes, Charles. 1994. The Golden Peninsula: Culture and Adaptation in Mainland Southeast Asia. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press.

Mabbett, Ian. 1977. “The ‘Indianization’ of Southeast Asia: Reflections on the Prehistorical Sources.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 8. http://www.jstor.org/stable/20070221.

McDaniel, Justin. 2008. “Pali.” New Mandala. Accessed December 20, 2023. https://www.newmandala.org/pali/.

Sarma, Atul. 2018. “Integrating Northeast with South East Asia: Great Expectations and Ground Realities.” In Atul Sarma & Saswati Choudhury, eds., Mainstreaming the Northeast in India’s Look and Act East Policy. Palgrave Macmillan.

Sengupta, Jayshree. 2017. “India’s Cultural and Civilisational Influence on Southeast Asia,” Observer Research Foundation.

Singh, Shreya. 2023. “Mapping India’s Historical Ties with Southeast Asia.” Indian Council of World Affairs.

Interiors of Inequality: Ethnographic Exploration of Social Housing in Serbia

November 12, 2024
By 28933

Residents of Serbia’s social housing estates navigate a landscape marked by overcrowding, institutional abandonment, and a persistent threat of eviction. Fieldwork conducted using an SRG award by Sara Nikolić (University of Belgrade, 2020–21) reveals that contrary to stereotypes that label them as lazy or deceitful, these individuals are actively engaged in homemaking and yearn for improved conditions.

*     *     *

The narratives of abandonment and neglect articulated by the residents of social housing estates in Serbia come as no surprise when thinking of the welfare system in the country. In public discourse and the media, people dependent on welfare, especially those in Roma communities, tend to be portrayed as lazy, incompetent, fickle, and intrinsically prone to crime.

With the aim of countering such racist narratives, I have been conducting research into the nexus between social housing tenants and their living environments. Specifically, my research probes the concept of homemaking and its boundaries within the challenging context of poverty and extreme housing precarity.

Overturning Popular Stereotypes

What I gathered from social housing estate residents during my fieldwork challenged the popular notion of tenants as criminals who deceive and exploit the state and taxpayers and who base their claims on exaggerated or false claims. They frequently lamented what they legitimately perceived as an inadequate state presence, expressing the need for the state to provide more services and resources to the local community and their estate.

Moreover, the residents’ use of terms like “care” and “interest” suggested a deeper, more personal connection to their neighborhoods, implying that the estate was situated within the moral framework of the local community (Kocsh 2014).

The socialist system in Yugoslavia, which considered housing as social infrastructure, provided a relatively easy path to securing a roof over one’s head. This system was suspended in 1990, however, when constitutional changes abolished the obligation of employees to set aside a contribution for housing construction from their salaries.

This was followed by the “big bang” privatization of apartments. In just under five years, the housing market was completely transformed, with 98% of publicly owned apartments passing into the hands of private owners (Damjanović 2010). This speedy shift toward neoliberal housing policies also resulted in a steady withdrawal of state resources and services from social housing estates.

The estates where I conducted my fieldwork—a small community of twenty, mainly Roma households displaced from Kosovo and a large neighborhood of nearly a thousand households of economically and socially disadvantaged families, again mostly of Roma origin—are exemplary in this respect. Situated, respectively, in the outlying areas of a middle-sized town and the capital city, they were built in the 2000s to offer housing for seriously disadvantaged communities.

For over 10 years now, about half of the residents of both estates have been without electricity, and a large number of households are at constant risk of forced eviction. In addition to problems of unemployment, welfare dependence, and health problems related to poor housing conditions, these tenants must deal with a vast and inflexible bureaucratic machinery when reporting problems with their homes or the rental system.

In the following, I describe the findings of an ethnographic inquiry into the homemaking practices of these estates, conducted with the help of an SRG award.

In-Depth Interviews with Residents

This research project adopted the concept of unhomeliness to describe the state’s lack of care, as manifested directly and collectively within social housing estates (Miller 1988; 2001; Navaro-Yashin 2012).

Ethnographic fieldwork was conducted from May to September 2024, with data collection carried out by myself and two PhD students, Dušanka Milosavljević and Igor Išpanović. Since the research involved working with people, particularly marginalized communities, all activities were conducted in strict adherence to the Code of Ethics of the Institute for Philosophy and Social Theory, University of Belgrade.

Alongside records of interviews and home visits, the data collected included observations, sketches, photographs, and diary entries made during and immediately after visits to the settlements. A total of 20 in-depth, semi-structured interviews, each lasting approximately one hour, were conducted in the homes of social housing estate residents. The respondents, aged between 18 and 65, were primarily of Roma origin, with a few of Serbian and Wallachian descent. Recruitment followed a snowball sampling method, with local gatekeepers playing a key role in fostering trust and facilitating connections within the communities.

Of the 20 participants, 5 were men and 15 were women. This gender disparity is largely due to the timing of the field visits, which took place during the day when women and children were more likely to be at home, while men were often occupied with informal and precarious work, such as collecting secondary raw materials or working in construction.

All respondents provided informed consent for both audio recordings of the interviews and visual documentation of their living conditions, including sketches and photographs of their apartments. Consent covered the use of these materials for research and promotional purposes. In cases where respondents were not functionally literate, the researchers read the consent form aloud, and verbal consent was obtained.

Overcrowded Housing and Lack of Privacy

I’d rather live in a desert—at least there, no one is around.
—Man, Uzun Mirkova estate, Požarevac

The notion of what defines comfortable living differs widely. For many of my informants, who have experienced homelessness, the hardships of war, and inadequate collective emergency housing, conversations about housing often touched on issues like overcrowding, the need to share resources among family members, and distinctions between those who had benefited from welfare policies and those who had not.

Home comfort has both social and material dimensions (Johnson 2018). Socially, it involves expectations regarding living standards, as well as the economic, legal, family, and civic relationships that help maintain the resources needed to meet those expectations. On the material side, it includes the infrastructure—pipes, wiring, and other systems—that ensure the home remains warm, well-lit, and healthy. The apartments I visited during this research failed to meet such “comfort criteria.”

A family home in Uzun Mirkova estate, Požarevac, Serbia. May 2024. Photo by Sara Nikolić.

However, the greatest source of discomfort stemmed not from inadequate and health-threatening housing conditions but from the lack of privacy. When asked what they would prioritize if financial constraints were lifted, many respondents expressed a desire to “move out of here and have our own yard.” Such responses suggest a yearning for private space, rather than a fetishization of private property.

After fleeing Kosovo after the war, the residents of Uzun Mirkova lived in emergency shelters for the first 11 years. They then gained access to social housing, but they were assigned homes that lacked essential amenities and were overcrowded, with living space of only 35 to 50 square meters for each household averaging seven members.

The constant presence of other people has not engendered a sense of community. Extreme poverty has hindered the fulfillment of basic needs, resulting in a situation where individuals, particularly women, spend time together out of necessity rather than genuine social connection. Men, on the other hand, sought employment outside the estates, creating further separation. For those who have access to electricity, the preference is often to isolate themselves with the television set, disconnecting from the chaos that envelops them.

Threat of Eviction Induces “Anticipatory Uncanniness” 

No one comes to visit us. They come to evict us, to give us eviction notices, to mistreat and threaten us. . . . We have no rights here, as if we’re not Serbian citizens.
—Woman, Kamendin estate, Belgrade

Housing conditions were a source of frustration and complaint for everyone. Apartments were chronically overcrowded, electricity was cut over a decade ago, mold was difficult to eliminate due to widespread dampness, and the flats remained cold during winter. Despite these issues, the competent institutions appeared reluctant to invest in repairs or maintenance, let alone in constructing new homes. Moreover, they blamed the tenants themselves for the poor living conditions. In the Belgrade neighborhood of Kamendin, a campaign against “ungrateful” residents resulted in massive eviction orders.

In the Kamendin estate, gas is used for cooking, heating, and for threatening police and enforcement officers during forced eviction attempts. June 2024. Photo by Sara Nikolić.

In contrast to common eviction narratives (e.g., Desmond 2017; Sullivan 2017), the presence of legal coercion did not lead solely to feelings of worry or despair (though such emotions were expressed as well). My research revealed that, in addition to evoking fear, anxiety, tension, depression, shame, and grief (Dudley 2000; Han 2011), the threat of eviction also generated hope and a feeling of homeliness.

More precisely, the tenants I encountered responded to the potential coercion in varying ways, ranging from anger toward racialized welfare policies and optimism over the prospect of “moving out of here” to fear of facing the grim potential of once again losing their home. This anticipatory uncanniness (Davey 2019) demonstrates how the state, through its recourse to legitimate coercion and institutional racism, subtly influences the aspirations tenants develop in relation to their homes.

Conclusion

This ethnographic exploration of social housing conditions in Serbia sheds light on the complex and often overlooked experiences of residents, particularly those living in extreme housing precarity. The narratives gathered during my fieldwork challenge the stigmatizing portrayals of social housing beneficiaries as exploiters of welfare systems, revealing instead a population that deeply yearns for stability, care, and improved living conditions. Contrary to public perceptions, these individuals are not passive recipients of state aid but are actively engaged in homemaking under conditions of chronic neglect, overcrowding, and institutional abandonment.

The research also highlights the ways in which legal coercion and the ever-present threat of eviction shape the emotional landscape of social housing residents. The anticipatory uncanniness experienced by many residents underscores how the state’s subtle and overt forms of control impact not only their current living conditions but also their visions for the future.

In sum, this study offers a critical understanding of the relationship between the state, social housing, and its marginalized residents. It calls attention to the urgent need for rethinking housing policies in Serbia, where systemic neglect, bureaucratic hurdles, and inadequate resources continue to undermine the dignity and well-being of those most in need of secure and humane living environments. By focusing on the everyday struggles and aspirations of these communities, this research contributes to broader anthropological discussions on housing precarity, social justice, and the role of the state in shaping lives at the margins.

 

References

Damjanović, D. (2010). Socijalno stanovanje: Prikaz stambenih politika Srbije i odabranih zemalja Evrope. Beograd: Palgo centar. 

Davey, R. (2020). Snakes and ladders: Legal coercion, housing precarity, and home-making aspirations in southern England. Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 26(1), 12–29. 

Desmond, M. (2017). Evicted: Poverty and profit in the American city. London: Penguin. 

Dudley, K. M. (2000). Debt and dispossession: Farm loss in America’s heartland. Chicago: University of Chicago Press. 

Han, C. (2011). Symptoms of another life: Time, possibility, and domestic relations in Chile’s credit economy. Cultural Anthropology, 26(1), 7–32. 

Johnson, C. (2018). The moral economy of comfortable living: Negotiating individualism and collectivism through housing in Belgrade. Critique of Anthropology, 38(2), 156–171. 

Koch, I. (2014). Everyday experiences of state betrayal on an English council estate. Anthropology of This Century, 9.

Miller, D. (1988). Appropriating the state on the council estate. Man, 23(2), 353–372. 

Miller, D. (2001). Possessions. In D. Miller (ed.), Home possessions: Material culture behind closed doors, pp. 107–122. Oxford: Berg. 

Navaro-Yashin, Y. (2012). The make-believe space: Affective geography in a postwar polity. Durham, N.C.: Duke University Press. 

Sullivan, E. (2017). Displaced in place: Manufactured housing, mass eviction, and the paradox of state intervention. American Sociological Review, 82(2), 243–269. 

World War I Initiative to Advance France’s Diplomatic Interests through Music

November 1, 2024
By 29373

French musicians toured the United States during World War I as part of an effort to strengthen diplomatic ties through the universal language of art. This initiative, writes Gabriele Slizyte (Conservatoire de Paris, 2019), was led by the French government but was also aided by American philanthropists, helping lay the groundwork for ongoing cultural exchange between the nations.

*     *     *

During World War I, French musicians travelled to the United States under the auspices of the French government as representatives of their country to promote classical music. These “concert tours” were part of a detailed and well-organized government plan to persuade the United States to join the war as an ally. With these diplomatic and cultural initiatives, the French government was able to not only bolster its military position but also keep the “French spirit” intact. Following the war in 1922, the Association française d’action artistique (AFAA) was created by the Ministry of Fine Arts and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to maintain and develop these cultural actions through concert tours.

I am currently conducting research on the AFAA and French musicians in the United States as part of my PhD thesis. Because this topic involves a transatlantic relationship, I needed to visit both French and American archives to conduct an impartial analysis of this cultural and diplomatic initiative encompassing such various disciplines as music, history, sociology, and politics. With the help of an SRG award, I was able to conduct a three-part research project between April 1 and September 11, 2024.

Personal, Rather Than an Institutional, Approach

The first phase of this project was decrypting the daily work of the AFAA as an administrative agency. I wished to go beyond a surface understanding based essentially on an investigation of the institutional archives located near Paris. I thus conducted domestic fieldwork at the Institut Mémoires de l’édition contemporaine, situated in the Ardenne Abbey near Caen, France, to study the personal records of the AFAA’s founding director Robert Brussel (1874–1940). During a four-day archival residency, I became immersed in his correspondences with sponsored artists and also learned about his daily work routine as director through his drafts and written reports of the association’s activities. This personal approach led to a better understanding of the work-based relationship between AFAA staff, government workers, and artists.

The second phase was conducting international fieldwork, visiting notable archival collections of libraries,[1] universities, and symphonic orchestras in the Northeastern United States:

  • Philadelphia Orchestra Association records, Kislak Center for Special Collections, Rare Books and Manuscripts, University of Pennsylvania
    • Otto H. Kahn Papers; Manuscripts Division, Department of Special Collections, Princeton University Library
    • Rockefeller Archive Center, Sleepy Hollow, New York
    • Boston Symphony Orchestra Archives, Boston
    • Yale University, Irving S. Gilmore Music Library, The Virgil Thomson Papers
    • New York University Archives, Records of Town Hall
    • New York Public Library, Manuscripts and Archives Division, James Hazen Hyde Papers
    • New York Public Library for the Performing Arts, Gabriel Astruc Papers

At the Rockefeller Archive Center in Sleepy Hollow, New York.

The data I collected included correspondences, oral histories, business and institutional documents, memorabilia, printed materials, photos, and personal files. In addition to using this information to ascertain the frequency of concerts featuring French musicians, their repertoire, and what they earned, I was also interested to learn how, once financed by the government, they assimilated themselves in a foreign country and became ambassadors of French culture. In this endeavor, the Boston Symphony Orchestra Archives was the most interesting source of information. Since the orchestra’s founding, many French musicians have joined its ranks with the help of the French government. Their oral archives and memorabilia gave me fuller insights into their American careers and helped me to better understand the implications of the AFAA.

Even though the methodology of this project was aimed at obtaining quantitative data of French artists’ performances and spatial data of their tour circuits in the United States, I realized that this would not be complete without a third component. While studying the archives of prominent American financial figures who supported the AFAA’s actions, such as the Rockefeller family, Otto H. Kahn, and James Hazen Hyde, I discovered that philanthropic work represented a key component of defending cosmopolitan ideals during times of conflict. In that regard, the AFAA was not alone in defending and promoting French culture; there was a group of important figures that included artists, sponsors, politicians, and many others.

Cosmopolitan Attempt at Universalizing the Arts

Before starting my project, I hoped to advance the hypothesis that the AFAA, through the dispatch of artists and musicians to the United States, enhanced Americans’ appreciation of French culture and improved France’s image after World War I and World War II. As a result of my international fieldwork, I came to realize that the creation of AFAA in 1922 was not the start of such an endeavor but the consequence and institutionalization of the work initiated by French and American figures prior to World War I. As such, the war represented not the beginning but an acceleration of the process of universalizing the arts. Rather than attempting to impose French culture on a different country as a form of nationalism, the AFAA was a cosmopolitan attempt to make it a universal language and a tool of communication.

Even though the primary focus of my research was on musicians, some of the consulted archives, such as the James Hazen Hyde Papers at the New York Public Library, pointed to the importance that theater and language can also play as vehicles of cultural dialogue. I hope to explore and analyze these documents in an upcoming article on the international tours of theater companies.

 

The New York Public Library.

During both my domestic and international fieldwork, I wished to go beyond an examination of the roles played by institutions. Thus it was crucial to gain a better understanding of the work of key figures in Franco-American relations. The philanthropic work of the Rockefellers, the participation in the Red Cross and collaboration with the Alliance Française by James Hazen Hyde, and the support extended to artists by Otto Kahn and Gabriel Astruc were given structure and augmented multifold by the creation of the AFAA.

The Sylff Research Grant has also enabled me to start a series of language translations of my work from French to English, which will allow me to communicate my findings to a broader audience.

The documents in the archives that I examined during this project testified to and reaffirmed the important role that artistic and cultural exchange played during wartime. Over the past century—and even now in our increasingly conflict-ridden world—musical, artistic, and cultural expressions can become powerful tools of personal identification and resistance, which are among the most significant and meaningful of human expressions.

I am very grateful to Mr. Yohei Sasakawa and all members of the Sylff Association secretariat for the Sylff fellowship and the SRG award. With your help since 2019 and later during the COVID lockdown, I was able to finish my studies at the Conservatoire national supérieur de musique et de danse de Paris and to start my PhD degree at the École des hautes études en sciences sociales. Your support and encouragement have allowed me to pursue my academic project. Thank you for letting me be a part of the Sylff community.

[1] As part of the project, I intended to visit the Patricia D. Klingenstein Library of the New-York Historical Society, but it was temporarily closed to researchers while it was preparing for the groundbreaking and construction of its new wing. However, I was able to obtain a limited number of reference scans from the James Hazen Hyde Papers.

The Age of Uncertainty and Nuclear Proliferation

October 24, 2024
By 32081

In an article that was originally published in Turkish in Gazete Duvar, Mühdan Sağlam (Ankara University, 2015–16) discusses the dysfunction of the liberal global system, citing the Nobel Peace Prize awarded to Nihon Hidankyo to highlight heightening nuclear proliferation risks and the need for disarmament.

*     *     *

The deadlock in the liberal global system has of late become clear for anyone to see. The system has long been marked by imbalances, double standards, and the disproportionate decision-making clout of the Security Council’s five veto-wielding countries. In fact, these inequalities have been pointed out since the United Nations was founded in 1945, as suggested in the speech by its second Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld that the “UN was not created in order to bring us to heaven, but in order to save us from hell.”

Although international relations experts point to different dates and events as to when the system reached a standstill, almost all agree that it has now become dysfunctional. There is no telling what a new replacement system would look like, but there are expectations.

Some experts posit the possibility of a new bipolar order, while others caution against the potential for Chinese hegemony. There are also those suggesting that we may enter an “age of disorder” and that we need to take a broader look at history.

The current uncertainty and lack of direction serve to highlight the significant risk of a major conflict. One fundamental question that must be addressed is whether war will accompany the transition to a new order (or disorder). Providing a definitive answer at this time would be difficult, but we can nonetheless examine the pertinent issues, particularly the possibility of the use of nuclear weapons. The focus of my article will be on nuclear armament and its potential for creating a state of perpetual conflict.

“Now I Am Become Death, the Destroyer of Worlds”

Toward the conclusion of World War II, a considerable number of experts hypothesized that the atomic bombing of a nation that was already prepared to capitulate altered the trajectory of global history, if not the war itself. The bomb was developed as part of the US Manhattan Project and dropped first on Hiroshima and then Nagasaki, causing unprecedented suffering to the civilian population and destruction of infrastructure.

The world gained its first glimpse of the concept of nuclear weapons through this devastating and inhumane attack. Indeed, in response to the devastation he had unleashed, the head of the Manhattan Project, J. Robert Oppenheimer, stated in an interview in the 1960s that he recalled a line from the Bhagavad Gita: “Now I am become death, the destroyer of worlds.” The contradictions, dilemmas, and remorse felt by the physicist are portrayed in Christopher Nolan’s award-winning 2023 biopic. Nolan did not include images of the people who died in Japan; instead, he allowed their screams to resonate. Those screams have done little, however, to prevent the world from moving ahead with nuclear armament.

The Nobel Peace Prize in 2024 was bestowed upon the Japanese organization Nihon Hidankyo in recognition of its contributions to the global effort toward nuclear disarmament. The official announcement of the Norwegian Nobel Committee states, “This grassroots movement of atomic bombing survivors from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, also known as Hibakusha, is receiving the Peace Prize for its efforts to achieve a world free of nuclear weapons and demonstrating through witness testimony that nuclear weapons must never be used again.”

Members of Nihon Hidankyo, a grassroots Japanese organization of atomic bomb survivors from Hiroshima and Nagasaki, hold a press conference after winning the 2024 Nobel Peace Prize. ©Tomohiro Ohsumi / Getty Images

The organization states on its website, “We hibakusha have been describing the realities of the damage of the atomic bombing and appealing on our suffering, because we want that no one else should ever suffer the hell we have experienced.” Following the award, the co-chair of the group has drawn parallels between the experiences of hibakusha 80 years ago and people in Gaza today. “Children are being covered in blood and living every day without food.”

This serves to remind us of the gravity of the current situation and the necessity of pursuing a path to peace and disarmament. The formation of a mushroom cloud and the subsequent blinding ball of flames are not prerequisites for creating hell on earth. In the period since 1945, what actions have been taken on the global stage to prevent human suffering?

As Nihon Hidankyo maintains its stance against nuclear weapons, it appears that for some, anti-nuclearism has become a mere rhetorical device employed in ostentatiously decorated halls of power. Let us now examine the sequence of events and the current situation.

Embracing the Bomb to Win the Arms Race

The global landscape during the Cold War was characterized by the coexistence of two distinct centers of economic and political influence: the USSR and the Eastern bloc on one side, and the US and the Western camp on the other. Common to both systems, however, was that they were engaged in the arms race, which meant that the path to being first required a focus on developing and utilizing weapons of mass destruction.

In 1945, the United States dropped two atomic bombs on Japan, which the Soviet Union interpreted as a message directed at itself. In response, the Soviet Union accelerated the development of nuclear weapons. When the USSR successfully tested its first atomic bomb in 1949, the United States, which had been developing nuclear weapons since the 1930s, was still in the lead. Two years later, the United States proceeded to test a hydrogen bomb.

In 1953, the USSR, too, conducted a nuclear test involving a hydrogen bomb. And the 1957 launch of the Soviet Union’s artificial satellite, Sputnik, into space had a profound impact on the global landscape, intensifying the already palpable sense of dread surrounding an impending nuclear conflict and the underlying geopolitical tensions.

The launch of Sputnik conveyed a clear message: If one possessed the capability to launch an artificial satellite into space, it would be possible to attach a nuclear warhead to the satellite’s head, transform it into a missile, and subsequently target US territory. One of the world’s superpowers was now confronted with the imminent threat of a potential nuclear attack.

In response to the perceived threat of imminent nuclear attack, the United States increased its nuclear weapons arsenal. This process resulted in a significant strategic transformation within the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), which had been established by the United States. The deployment of “medium-range guided missiles” on the territories of allied nations in close proximity to the Soviet Union was initiated. The world was gradually becoming an unparalleled arsenal.

Disarmament Treaties: Short-Lived Period of Prudence

The concept of the “balance of terror,” which was used to describe the arms race during the Cold War, is no longer a suitable description, as it does not reflect the rational limits of the situation. Instead, it better describes the intense emotions that are generated by this race. The 1962 Cuban Missile Crisis served as a stark reminder to both parties that they were on the verge of a catastrophic outcome. After this crisis, the United States and the Soviet Union entered into the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT), which resulted in the signing of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty (SALT I and SALT II) and the subsequent Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (START). These treaties sought to limit the deployment of ballistic nuclear missiles. This was followed by the signing of the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty (ABM) in 1972. Notwithstanding these agreements, the budgets allocated by both parties for armaments continued to rise.

The nuclear threat, which reached its peak during the Ronald Reagan administration, entered a new phase with the USSR’s economic and social exhaustion. Mikhail Gorbachev’s “new thinking” (novoye myshleniye) policy facilitated the resumption of nuclear disarmament negotiations in 1985. Following negotiations between Reagan and Gorbachev, the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty was concluded in 1987, resulting in the destruction of approximately 2,700 missiles. This collaborative approach to nuclear disarmament was further extended to encompass restrictions on conventional weapons in Europe. However, this period of reason and prudence was not to last long.

Appealing for an End to the Cycle of Violence

Some of the agreements concluded were subsequently nullified as a result of changes in circumstances. These actions were taken with a degree of audacity that demonstrates a lack of awareness of historical precedent. This approach showed a disregard for the concept of historical continuity, as encapsulated in the phrase was prevalent in the early 2000s, “Yesterday was yesterday, and today is today.”

In 2019, the United States withdrew from the INF Treaty. In the context of the war in Ukraine, Russian President Vladimir Putin announced the suspension of START, which had been extended for five years in 2021. He stated, “Today I have to announce that Russia is suspending the START treaty,” adding, “Of course, we won’t be the first, but if the United States conducts nuclear tests, so will we.”

While tensions escalated between the United States and Russia, the rest of the world remained in a state of vigilance, anticipating potential outcomes and seeking to ensure a well-prepared response. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI)’s 2024 yearbook, Armaments, Disarmament and International Security, indicates that as of January 2024, nine states, namely, the United States, Russia, the United Kingdom, France, China, India, Pakistan, North Korea, and Israel, possessed a total of 12,121 nuclear weapons, of which 9,585 were operational. Approximately 4,000 of these were deployed and under the control of operational forces.

The aggregate data suggests a decline in the number of nuclear warheads, but this is merely a consequence of the dismantlement of retired warheads by Russia and the United States. By contrast, numerous states with relatively modest nuclear arsenals, including China and the United Kingdom, are either augmenting or intending to expand their nuclear capabilities.

In the United States, several polls conducted in the weeks preceding the presidential election indicate that the two candidates are in a statistical tie. It is unfortunate that we are not yet in a position to determine the extent to which the situation could potentially be worse than the damage caused by the Joe Biden administration.

We are at a critical juncture where all the available options seem unsatisfactory. And it would be untenable to frame the least unfavorable outcome as being the optimal one. The global system is currently at a standstill, the world has become a veritable arsenal, and the future is fraught with potential for further conflict. In the light of these circumstances, Nihon Hidankyo and the civilians who have suffered as a result of the ongoing war and terrorist attacks in the Middle East are once again appealing to humanity to put an end to this senseless cycle of violence. 

Behavioral Disorders in the Digital Age

October 9, 2024
By 31442

The internet has become an integral part of our lives, offering both connection and entertainment. Ákos Arató (Hungarian Academy of Sciences, 2024) points out, however, that deepening reliance on tech has led to concerning behavioral addictions, prompting research into their psychological impacts.

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The ubiquitous and growing use of the internet, along with other digital tools, has brought about radical changes in society, making online devices an indispensable part of our lives. Over the past decade, in particular, the internet has gained a more prominent place in many areas of our lives as a fast and easy way of connecting with others, as a source of entertainment, and as a provider of instant answers to the challenges of everyday life. With smartphones now in everyone’s pocket, people can access a wealth of content that gives us positive feedback and offers respite from the difficulties of everyday life.

At the same time, the high functionality of the internet can, depending on personal disposition, easily lead to disorders similar to behavioral and substance addictions, such as problematic internet use (PIU) (Young, 1998), problematic smartphone use (Panova & Carbonell, 2018), and problematic social media use (Hou et al., 2019).

Nearly 68% of the world’s population uses the internet on a daily basis; in many European countries, this figure exceeds 90% (Iceland 100%, Norway 98%, Denmark 96%, United Kingdom 95%, Germany 94%). In Asia, almost 97% of the population in South Korea has access to the internet, while the figure in China is nearly 70%. The fastest growth in internet use over the last decade, though, has been in the developing countries of Africa (Mali 60%, Cameroon 33%) (World Stats, 2023).

As for mobile devices, nearly 80% of people around the world have a device that enables them to stay connected online, and more than 50% believe that access to the internet is an essential part of their daily lives (Fuchs et al., 2018). It is currently estimated that 6% of the world’s population is affected by PIU (Hull & Proulx, 2022), which suggests that these disorders are considered a new and relatively fast-growing mental health concern.

In the light of the prevalence of digital devices and the growth in disorders related to their use, I have chosen to focus my research on internet use, and more specifically, the impact of PIU on psychological well-being, psychological functioning, and underlying neurobehavioral functions.

Some people have compulsive thoughts about their internet-related activities.

Psychological Consequences of PIU

PIU is frequently defined as a form of behavioral addiction (Brand et al., 2016). PIU includes the uncontrolled use of the internet, obsessive thinking about it, or the neglect of other activities, such as daily chores, work, and social life (Demetrovics et al., 2008). All addictions have both psychological and physical characteristics, and PIU is no exception. The physical symptoms occur mostly during the withdrawal phase, while the psychological symptoms, such as anxiety, appear in the absence of the object of the behavioral disorder.

As a behavioral addiction, PIU is best understood through psychological symptoms, such as depression, anxiety, interpersonal problems, sleep deprivation, compulsive behaviors, low self-esteem, and emotional distress (Mihajlov & Vejmelka, 2017). When problematic users are prevented from engaging in their addictive activities for any reason, they experience various emotional withdrawal symptoms. More impulsive, aggressive, and compulsive behavioral reactions are also not uncommon (Park et al., 2014). This is not surprising, as withdrawal symptoms are generally accompanied by low self-control.

In addition, many researchers have found that problematic users are unable to regulate their emotional reactions (Caplan, 2010), which not only results in poor emotion regulation strategies but also affects their ability to cope with behavioral difficulties. Behavioral disorders like PIU can thus easily develop in the absence of adequate self-control and emotional regulation (Brand et al., 2016).

In terms of psychological disorders, it is generally agreed that there is a positive relationship between depressive symptom levels and internet use (Andreassen et al., 2016) and a negative relationship between heavy use of social networking sites and self-esteem (Malik & Khan, 2015). Heavy internet use can have negative consequences for individuals’ personality and social life (Griffiths, 2014) and can also lead to difficulties in work and academic performance.  

However, it is important to note that the direction of the relationship between social media and various psychological outcomes is often unclear. It is possible that an individual’s depressive and anxious nature contributes to spending more time on social networking sites, while the reverse can also be true (L. Y. Lin et al., 2016). The fact that individuals’ prior psychological distress can be considered a risk factor for PIU may provide some explanation for this dichotomy. Of course, problematic internet and social media use may also increase the level of prior distress and contribute to the likelihood of depression onset (Gámez-Guadix et al., 2015).

Brand’s Model on the Development and Maintence of Internet-Use Disorders

Note: Bold arrows represent the main pathways of the addiction process.

 

Functional Brain Alterations and Future Directions in PIU

Several studies, moreover, have been conducted to investigate the effects of PIU on various cognitive functions (Weinstein, 2022). These studies have mainly used functional and structural magnetic resonance imaging to investigate the underlying neural alterations behind cognitive functions in PIU.

These studies found structural and functional alterations in the brain’s reward (Altbäcker et al., 2016), executive (Darnai et al., 2019), inhibitory control (Dong et al., 2012), language (Darnai et al., 2022), social (Arató et al., 2023), and default mode (Darnai et al., 2019) systems, which were associated with reduced cognitive and executive control, diminished attentional processes, and impaired emotion regulation.

Altered functioning of executive and cognitive control functions are prerequisites for the development and maintenance of addictive disorders (Brand et al., 2016). And a decline in cognitive control functions and emotional regulation is a common phenomenon across different addictions.

Given these higher-level brain alterations, I believe it is important to explore what other higher-order functions might be associated with PIU. Therefore, for many years, the main theme of my research has been to investigate different psychological states and their possible neurological underpinnings in young adults with PIU.

Previous studies in which I have been engaged have confirmed the altered functioning of inhibitory and default systems in the brain (Darnai et al., 2019). And we have shown for the first time that social cognitive functions (the recognition of emotional facial expressions) and the underlying neural functions are associated with PIU levels in young adults (Arató et al., 2023).

In my present study, I am investigating mental fatigue in individuals with PIU. Long-term fatigue is a common symptom in addictions and is often reported by those diagnosed with PIU (Bachleda & Darhiri, 2018). The extent of PIU, moreover, has an independent effect on the level of perceived long-term mental fatigue (S. C. Lin et al., 2013). Spending a lot of time online and being constantly fed internet-related cues may lead to permanent fatigue in daily and professional life and could result in higher safety risks (Nachreiner, 2001), occupational issues (Williamson et al., 2011), and traffic accidents (Zeller et al., 2020).

Due to the lack of studies in this area, I would like to fill the gap in the scientific literature and provide a scientifically based foundation for appropriate preventive and therapeutic methods to reduce the amount of long-term and task-induced fatigue caused by PIU and thereby increase the psychological well-being of individuals.

References

Altbäcker, A., Plózer, E., Darnai, G., Perlaki, G., Horváth, R., Orsi, G., Nagy, S. A., Bogner, P., Schwarcz, A., Kovács, N., Komoly, S., Clemens, Z., & Janszky, J. (2016). Problematic internet use is associated with structural alterations in the brain reward system in females. Brain Imaging and Behavior, 10(4), 953–959. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11682-015-9454-9.

Andreassen, C. S., Billieux, J., Griffiths, M. D., Kuss, D. J., Demetrovics, Z., Mazzoni, E., & Pallesen, S. (2016). The relationship between addictive use of social media and video games and symptoms of psychiatric disorders: A large-scale cross-sectional study. Psychology of Addictive Behaviors, 30(2), 252–262. https://doi.org/10.1037/adb0000160.

Arató, Á., Nagy, S. A., Perlaki, G., Orsi, G., Szente, A. T., Kis-Jakab, G., Áfra, E., Alhour, H. A., Kovács, N., Janszky, J., & Darnai, G. (2023). Emotional face expression recognition in problematic Internet use and excessive smartphone use: Task-based fMRI study. Scientific Reports, 13(1). https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-022-27172-0.

Bachleda, C., & Darhiri, L. (2018). Internet Addiction and Mental and Physical Fatigue. The International Technology Management Review, 7(1), 25–33. https://doi.org/10.2991/itmr.7.1.3.

Brand, M., Young, K. S., Laier, C., Wölfling, K., & Potenza, M. N. (2016). Integrating psychological and neurobiological considerations regarding the development and maintenance of specific Internet-use disorders: An Interaction of Person-Affect-Cognition-Execution (I-PACE) model. Neuroscience and Biobehavioral Reviews, 71, 252–266. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.neubiorev.2016.08.033.

Caplan, S. E. (2010). Theory and measurement of generalized problematic Internet use: A two-step approach. Computers in Human Behavior, 26(5), 1089–1097. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2010.03.012.

Darnai, G., Perlaki, G., Zsidó, A. N., Inhóf, O., Orsi, G., Horváth, R., Nagy, S. A., Lábadi, B., Tényi, D., Kovács, N., Dóczi, T., Demetrovics, Z., & Janszky, J. (2019). Internet addiction and functional brain networks: task-related fMRI study. Scientific Reports, 9, 15777. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-019-52296-1.

Darnai, G., Perlaki, G., Orsi, G., Arató, Á., Szente, A., Horváth, R., Áfra, E., Nagy, S. A., Kovács, N., Dóczi, T., & Janszky, J. (2022). Language processing in Internet use disorder: Task-based fMRI study. Plos One, 17(6), e0269979. https://doi.org/10.1371/journal.pone.0269979.

Demetrovics, Z., Szeredi, B., & Rózsa, S. (2008). The three-factor model of Internet addiction: The development of the Problematic Internet Use Questionnaire. Behavior Research Methods, 40(2), 563–574. https://doi.org/10.3758/BRM.40.2.563.

Dong, G., DeVito, E. E., Du, X., & Cui, Z. (2012). Impaired inhibitory control in “internet addiction disorder”: A functional magnetic resonance imaging study. Psychiatry Research: Neuroimaging, 203(2–3), 153–158. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.pscychresns.2012.02.001.

Fuchs, M., Riedl, D., Bock, A., Rumpold, G., & Sevecke, K. (2018). Pathological Internet Use—An Important Comorbidity in Child and Adolescent Psychiatry: Prevalence and Correlation Patterns in a Naturalistic Sample of Adolescent Inpatients. BioMed Research International, 2018. https://doi.org/10.1155/2018/1629147.

Gámez-Guadix, M., Calvete, E., Orue, I., & Las Hayas, C. (2015). Problematic Internet use and problematic alcohol use from the cognitive-behavioral model: A longitudinal study among adolescents. Addictive Behaviors, 40, 109–114. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.addbeh.2014.09.009.

Griffiths, M. D. (2014). Internet Addiction Disorder and Internet Gaming Disorder Are Not the Same. Journal of Addiction Research & Therapy, 05(04). https://doi.org/10.4172/2155-6105.1000e124.

Hou, Y., Xiong, D., Jiang, T., Song, L., & Wang, Q. (2019). Social media addiction: Its impact, mediation, and intervention. Cyberpsychology, 13(1). https://doi.org/10.5817/CP2019-1-4.

Hull, M., & Proulx, D. A. (2022). Internet addiction facts and statistics. Umatilla, FL: The Recovery Village.

Lin, L. Y., Sidani, J. E., Shensa, A., Radovic, A., Miller, E., Colditz, J. B., Hoffman, B. L., Giles, L. M., & Primack, B. A. (2016). Association between Social Media Use and Depression among U.S. Young Adults. Depression and Anxiety, 33(4), 323–331. https://doi.org/10.1002/da.22466.

Lin, S. C., Tsai, K. W., Chen, M. W., & Koo, M. (2013). Association between fatigue and Internet addiction in female hospital nurses. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 69(2), 374–383. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2648.2012.06016.x.

Malik, S., & Khan, M. (2015). Impact of facebook addiction on narcissistic behavior and Self-Esteem among students. Journal of the Pakistan Medical Association. https://www.researchgate.net/publication/275716907.

Mihajlov, M., & Vejmelka, L. (2017). Internet addiction: A review of the first twenty years. Psychiatria Danubina, 29(3), 260–272.

Nachreiner, F. (2001). Time on Task Effects on Safety. Journal of Human Ergology, 30(1-2), 97–102.

Panova, T., & Carbonell, X. (2018). Is smartphone addiction really an addiction? Journal of Behavioral Addictions, 7(2), 252–259. https://doi.org/10.1556/2006.7.2018.49.

Park, S., Kang, M., & Kim, E. (2014). Social relationship on problematic Internet use (PIU) among adolescents in South Korea: A moderated mediation model of self-esteem and self-control. Computers in Human Behavior, 38, 349–357. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.chb.2014.06.005.

Weinstein, A. (2022). Problematic Internet usage: Brain imaging findings. Current Opinion in Behavioral Sciences, 47. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cobeha.2022.101209.

Williamson, A., Lombardi, D. A., Folkard, S., Stutts, J., Courtney, T. K., & Connor, J. L. (2011). The link between fatigue and safety. Accident Analysis and Prevention, 43(2), 498–515. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.aap.2009.11.011.

Young, K. S. (1998). Internet Addiction: The Emergence of a New Clinical Disorder. Cyberpsychology and Behavior, 1(3), 237–244. https://doi.org/10.1089/cpb.1998.1.237.

Zeller, R., Williamson, A., & Friswell, R. (2020). The effect of sleep-need and time-on-task on driver fatigue. Transportation Research Part F: Traffic Psychology and Behaviour, 74, 15–29. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.trf.2020.08.001.

 

The Impact of Terrorist Attacks on Tourism Arrivals and Income

October 1, 2024
By 30654

There has long been a correlation between terrorism and tourism, as terrorist attacks can reduce tourist arrivals at certain destinations until the unrest subsides. Farhad Nazir (University of Coimbra, 2022) undertook a study on the impact of terrorism on tourism arrivals and income by analyzing 30 years of data. This Voices article is based on a book chapter that was originally published in the Research Handbook on Tourism, Complexity and Uncertainty.

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Analyzing the Global Terrorism Database (START, 2022) provides evidence that almost every country in the world has experienced terrorist attacks. Since the second half of the twentieth century, terrorism has become a method of armed, institutionalized, and geographically widespread conflict (Seabra, 2019). There has been a proliferation of armed conflict in recent years, with the most influential phenomenon for geopolitical change being terrorism (Cutter, Richardson, & Wilbanks, 2003). Since the late 1960s, terrorist attacks have become more brutal and violent, far more organized, and geographically disseminated (Reisinger & Mavondo, 2005). International and domestic terrorism (perpetrated by national or international groups) have become a fact of modern life since the 1980s.

The impact of terrorism on the economy and society has been extensively documented in the literature on tourism (Blomberg, Hess, & Orphanides, 2004; Crain & Crain, 2006; Enders & Sandler, 1996; Krueger & Maleckova, 2003; Llussá & Tavares, 2007). Researchers in the 1980s predicted a substantial increase in terrorist attacks in the future, speculating that terrorist groups would continue to select vulnerable targets, attacks would become more indiscriminate, and terrorism would become more institutionalized and geographically widespread as a method of armed conflict (Atkinson, Sandler, & Tschirhart, 1987).

By attacking tourism targets, terrorist organizations gain publicity and achieve strategic and ideological goals by attracting attention to their message of opposition (Seabra, 2019). This unhappy match and the embedded dimensions and consequences for tourism demand and supply have been exhaustively contemplated in academic research since the 1980s. There has long been a close link between terrorism and tourism, but a number of high-profile attacks have brought a paradigm shift in demand and supply of the tourism system (Avraham, 2020).

Terrorist organizations appear to have become mainly focused on communicating a message to the largest possible audience: the 1972 attack during the Munich Olympics reached an audience of 800 million viewers (Schmid & De Graaf, 1982); the kidnapping of the Achille Lauro cruise ship in 1985 attracted global attention for weeks; and 9/11 in New York in 2001 showed the world that terrorists were willing to attack defenseless civilians in pursuing their objectives.

The 9/11 Memorial & Museum, located at the site of the former World Trade Center in New York. ©Chris Hepburn / Getty Images

My research focuses on the impact of terrorism events on the tourism industry. Specifically, I analyzed how the number of terrorist events over the past 30 years (1991–2019), retrieved from the Global Terrorism Database (START, 2022), has impacted tourism income and arrivals in various regions, as classified by the UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO): North Africa; Sub-Saharan Africa; North, South, and Central America; the Caribbean; Northeast, South, and Southeast Asia and Oceania; Northern, Central/Eastern, Southern/Mediterranean Europe; Western Europe; and the Middle East. Using a Pearson correlation coefficient and a linear regression method, I measured the impact of terrorism events on tourist arrivals and tourism income generation for each UNWTO region.

Positive and Negative Impacts

For this study I worked with colleagues Claudia Seabra, assistant professor at the University of Coimbra, and Sunil Tewari, assistant professor at the Central University of Kerala. The study was empirical in nature, conducted through both qualitative and quantitative methods. To examine the association between terrorism events (predictor variable) and tourist arrivals and tourism income (outcome variables), a Pearson correlation coefficient was used. In the context of this study, terrorism events were regarded as independent variables and tourist arrivals as a dependent variable. Further, with the help of a linear regression method, the impact of terrorism events on tourist arrivals and tourism income was measured separately.

Terrorism is a serious, global concern for both domestic and cross-border tourism, which has been subject to immense and lasting impacts. Our analysis of the impact of terrorism events over the last 30 years in the UNWTO regions indicates that there have been both positive and negative impacts on tourist arrivals. In regions like South America, Central America, the Caribbean, Northeast Asia, Oceania, Southern/Mediterranean Europe, and Western Europe, the number of tourists decreased significantly. Conversely, in regions such as North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, North America, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Northern Europe, Central/Eastern Europe, and the Middle East, the number of tourists increased.

Similarly, tourism income significantly decreased due to terrorism events in such regions as South America, Central America, the Caribbean, Northeast Asia, Oceania, Southern/Mediterranean Europe, and Western Europe, whereas in regions like North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, North America, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Northern Europe, Central/Eastern Europe, and the Middle East, tourism income increased from 1991 to 2019.

Key Insights

This study offers several insights that have theoretical, academic, and institutional implications. Theoretically, we have corroborated the link between terrorist attacks and fluctuations in tourist arrivals and income. On the academic discourse front, this study has identified important dimensions and perspectives in envisaging the statistical variances, nature, and consequences of terrorist attacks. And for institutions and legal entities, both public and private, this endeavor has identified the key grey areas that need to be emphasized prior to, during, and after terrorist incidents.

Tourism destinations need to readdress conventional crisis management plans and blueprints, as existing institutional frameworks, governance legislation, and environmental landscapes may be inadequate to cope with fluctuating global conditions. The empirical results of this study suggest that a surge of terrorism events significantly impacts tourist arrivals and tourism income for a short duration. But after some time passes, tourists are even more curious to explore such destinations. International tourist arrivals will decline in the long run compared to domestic tourists, since international tourists want to avoid any kind of risk in their travel plans. In destinations affected by terrorism, governments and tourism organizations need to address safety measures and build marketing and promotion plans to reclaim their natural tourism markets.

Finally, I would like to acknowledge that this research received support from the Centre of Studies in Geography and Spatial Planning in Portugal, funded by the Foundation for Science and Technology, and from the Ryoichi Sasakawa Young Leaders Fellowship Fund of the Tokyo Foundation for Policy Research.

References

Atkinson, S., Sandler, T., & Tschirhart, J. (1987). Terrorism in a Bargaining Framework. Journal of Law and Economics, 30(1), 1–21.

Avraham, E. (2020). Combating Tourism Crisis following Terror Attacks: Image Repair Strategies for European Destinations since 2014. Current Issues in Tourism, 24(8), 1079–1092.

Blomberg, S., Hess, G., & Orphanides, A. (2004). The Macroeconomic Consequences of Terrorism. Journal of Monetary Economics, 51, 1007–1032.

Crain, N., & Crain, W. (2006). Terrorized Economies. Public Choice, 128, 317–349.

Cutter, S., Richardson, D. & Wilbanks, T. (2003). The Geographical Dimensions of Terrorism. New York: Routledge.

Enders, W., & Sandler, T. (1996). Terrorism and Foreign Direct Dnvestment in Spain and Greece. Kyklos, 49, 331–352.

Krueger, A., & Maleckova, J. (2003). Education, Poverty and Terrorism: Is There a Causal Connection? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 17(4), 119–144.

Llussá, F., & Tavares, J. (2007). Economics and Terrorism: What We Know, What We Should Know and the Data We Need. In P. Keefer & N. Loayza (eds), Terrorism, Economic Development, and Political Openness (pp. 233–254). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Reisinger, Y., & Mavondo, F. (2005). Travel Anxiety and Intentions to Travel Internationally: Implications of Travel Risk Perception. Journal of Travel Research, 43(3), 212–225.

Schmid, A. P. & De Graaf, J. (1982). Violence as Communication. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Seabra, C. (2019). Terrorism and Tourism Revisited. In A. Correia, A. Fyall, & M. Kozak (eds), Experiential Consumption and Marketing in Tourism: A Cross-Cultural Context (pp. 57–75). Oxford: Goodfellow Publishers.

START (University of Maryland National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism) (2022). Global Terrorism Database. https://www.start.umd.edu/gtd/.

 

Harmony in Diversity: Multicultural Education at China’s Universities for Ethnic Minorities

September 12, 2024
By 30637

Multicultural education that seeks to balance diversity and unity has become vital for many countries in the era of globalization. The “color-blind” approach that promotes equality regardless of race or ethnicity often overlooks systemic disparities, however. Dak Lhagyal (Columbia University, 2020, 2021) used an SRG award to explore the implementation and impact of multicultural education at minzu universities for ethnic minorities in China, offering insights into their unique role within a complex national identity framework.

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In an increasingly globalized world, the concept of multicultural education has become paramount in fostering inclusive societies that celebrate diversity while promoting unity (Ramirez et al. 2009). The “color-blind” approach (Bonilla-Silva 2014), which aims to treat individuals equally regardless of their racial or ethnic backgrounds, presents itself as a universal solution in educational systems worldwide. However, this approach often overlooks the complex realities of racial and ethnic disparities, raising questions about its effectiveness in addressing the deep-rooted issues of inequality and discrimination in multicultural settings (Bonilla-Silva 2014).

My research delves into the implementation and implications of multicultural education at minzu universities in China’s higher education system. These institutions, dedicated to the education of ethnic minority students, provide a unique context to examine the dynamics of multicultural education in a country that officially recognizes 56 ethnic groups (Clothey 2005; Zenz 2013). Employing qualitative research methods, including ethnographic interviews and participant observations, I conducted research at a prominent minzu university in western China. This site was chosen for its diverse student body and its role in the national strategy to promote ethnic unity and cultural diversity.

The choice of my topic stems from a growing interest in understanding how state-led multicultural policies impact interethnic relations and identity formation within educational settings (Leibold 2019). By examining the nuanced experiences of students and faculty within minzu universities, my study aims to contribute to the broader discourse on multicultural education and its capacity to address or perpetuate ethnic inequalities (Leibold & Chen 2014). The findings offer insights into the complex interplay between policy, identity, and educational practice (Yang 2017; Grose 2019; Robin 2014), shedding light on the broader societal implications of diversity education in a context as diverse as China’s. Through this analysis, I seek to enhance understanding of the potential and limitations of multicultural education in fostering truly inclusive and equitable educational environments (Lhagyal 2021).

Dual Role of Minzu Universities in Ethnic Identity Formation

Minzu universities in China hold a distinctive position within the country’s educational landscape, serving a dual purpose in the formation of ethnic identity among minority students (Clothey 2005). These institutions, designed to cater specifically to the educational needs of China’s ethnic minorities, offer a unique blend of cultural preservation and integration into the broader Chinese national identity (Zenz 2013; Yang 2017). At the heart of the minzu university experience is the endeavor to maintain the linguistic and cultural heritage of ethnic minority students while also integrating them into the Han-dominated national narrative (Clothey 2005). These institutions provide programs in both ethnic minority languages and Mandarin, reflecting a commitment to bilingual education (Zenz 2013; Robin 2014). This approach aims to equip students with the tools needed to navigate the broader Chinese society while retaining a connection to their ethnic roots (Yang 2017).

Research conducted at these universities reveals a nuanced impact on student identity. For Tibetan students, for instance, the environment fosters a heightened awareness of their ethnic heritage and encourages the formation of a modern Tibetan identity that coexists with the national identity promoted by Beijing. This dual identity formation process highlights the universities’ role in creating a space where ethnic minority students can explore and redefine their cultural identities within the context of a dominant national culture.

A curator explains the traditional Tibetan thangka painting to a group of student visitors at a minzu university museum in April 2023.

However, the experiences of students at minzu universities are not without challenges. The push and pull between ethnic and national identities can lead to a complex negotiation of identity for students, who must navigate the expectations and norms of both their ethnic community and the broader Chinese society. By offering an education that straddles ethnic heritage and national integration, minzu universities facilitate a form of identity formation that reflects the complexities of modern Chinese society.

State-Led Multiculturalism and Interethnic Relations

China’s approach to multiculturalism, particularly through its education system, offers a distinctive perspective on managing interethnic relations. Within this framework, minzu universities emerge as pivotal institutions where the nation’s aspirations towards unity in diversity are enacted. These institutions embody state-led efforts to foster multicultural education, aiming to enhance mutual understanding and respect among China’s numerous ethnic groups. My research delves into the effects of such policies on interethnic relations, shedding light on the nuanced outcomes of these endeavors.

State-led multiculturalism in China is characterized by the promotion of ethnic diversity alongside the reinforcement of a unified national identity. Minzu universities play a critical role in this strategy, providing a platform for students from diverse ethnic backgrounds to engage with each other and the nation’s dominant Han culture. The presence of programs that celebrate ethnic minority languages and cultures within these universities illustrates the state’s commitment to diversity. However, the overarching goal remains the cultivation of a cohesive national identity among all students.

Tibetan students dressed in traditional attire during a university-sponsored campus activity at a minzu university in May 2023.

The impact of this approach on interethnic relations is multifaceted. On one hand, it facilitates encounters and exchanges among students of different ethnic backgrounds, potentially laying the groundwork for increased understanding and solidarity. Students are exposed to a variety of cultural perspectives, which can enrich their personal and intellectual development. On the other hand, the emphasis on a unified national identity might overshadow the distinctiveness of minority cultures, complicating the process of identity formation for minority students.

These dynamics underscore the complexity of implementing state-led multiculturalism in a society as diverse as China’s. While aiming to harmonize interethnic relations, the challenge lies in balancing the celebration of ethnic diversity with the promotion of national unity. Through the lens of minzu universities, we gain insight into both the achievements and challenges of this endeavor, highlighting the ongoing negotiation of identity and belonging in China’s multicultural landscape.

Institutional and Structural Challenges in Ethnic Inequality

In the diverse landscape of China’s higher education, minzu universities represent a critical effort to integrate ethnic minority students into the national fabric while respecting their unique cultural identities. However, these institutions face the monumental task of addressing and overcoming ethnic inequalities within an educational and societal context.

At the core of minzu universities’ mission is the goal of fostering an environment where students from all ethnic backgrounds can thrive academically and socially. These universities are designed to be inclusive spaces that not only educate but also promote understanding and respect for cultural diversity. They offer programs in minority languages and culture, aiming to elevate the status of ethnic minorities within the broader society.

Despite these commendable efforts, challenges persist in fully addressing the deep-rooted inequalities that affect ethnic minority students. One of the primary obstacles is the delicate balance between celebrating diversity and ensuring equal opportunities for all students. While the curriculum and extracurricular activities at minzu universities strive to highlight ethnic traditions and languages, ensuring that diversity does not translate into disadvantage remains a constant challenge.

Moreover, the structural limitations within the educational and societal system can sometimes hinder the full realization of these goals. For example, the transition from education to employment remains a significant hurdle for many ethnic minority graduates, reflecting broader societal patterns of inequality.

Understanding the institutional and structural challenges faced by minzu universities in addressing ethnic inequalities is crucial. These institutions stand at the intersection of cultural preservation and societal integration, embodying the complexities of navigating ethnic diversity within a rapidly modernizing nation. Examining their efforts offers insights into both the progress made and the hurdles that remain, highlighting the nuanced journey toward achieving equality and inclusion for all ethnic groups in China.

Toward a More Inclusive Multicultural Education

China’s innovative approach to multiculturalism within its higher education system, particularly through the minzu universities, represents a significant endeavor to integrate ethnic diversity with national unity. These institutions serve as a focal point for exploring the intricate balance between celebrating ethnic identities and fostering a cohesive Chinese national identity. They not only provide education in minority languages and cultures but also serve as a microcosm for understanding broader societal dynamics. The dual identity formation process they facilitate highlights the potential for creating a more inclusive national identity that acknowledges and respects ethnic diversity.

The state-led approach to multiculturalism has had a nuanced impact on interethnic relations. While it promotes interactions among diverse student bodies, fostering understanding and solidarity, it also faces the challenge of ensuring that the richness of minority cultures is not overshadowed by the overarching narrative of national unity. The experiences of students within these universities underscore the delicate balance between celebrating diversity and achieving cohesion.

Institutional and structural challenges persist in fully addressing ethnic inequalities within the education system. Despite efforts to promote equality and inclusion, disparities in educational outcomes and experiences among ethnic groups indicate areas for further reflection and improvement.

China’s minzu universities embody the country’s commitment to navigating the complexities of multicultural education. Their role in shaping the future of ethnic relations and national identity in China is both critical and evolving. As these institutions continue to navigate the challenges and opportunities presented by the country’s diversity, they serve as a valuable case study for understanding the broader implications of multiculturalism in education. I hope my research will provide a foundation for further analysis and deeper understanding of the dynamics at play in one of the world’s most populous and culturally diverse countries.

References

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Zenz, Adrian. 2013. “Tibetanness” Under Threat?: Neo-Integrationism, Minority Education and Career Strategies in Qinghai, PR China. Leiden: Brill.