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Struggling for the Algorithm: Far-Right Communication and Youth Political Participation

July 1, 2025
By 32202

Mónica Catarina Soares (University of Coimbra, 2016) argues that far-right movements in Portugal and Argentina are reshaping youth political attitudes through meme-savvy digital strategies and populist messaging that reframe exclusionary nationalism as culturally attractive rebellion.

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Over the past two decades, the world has witnessed a steady and alarming rise in far-right political influence. This phenomenon is not confined to any one region but has emerged as a transnational trend. Portugal and Argentina, two countries with relatively young democracies shaped by recent histories of dictatorship, have both seen a significant increase in far-right support.

In Portugal, the legislative elections held on May 18, 2025, followed the dissolution of a conservative coalition government that came to power in 2024, but which quickly collapsed amid a corruption scandal. The scandal implicated Prime Minister Luís Montenegro and revealed alleged bribery schemes involving a family enterprise currently connected to his wife and son.

Despite the political turmoil, the ruling coalition Aliança Democrática secured 91 of 230 seats in the Assembly of the Republic with the largest vote share of 31.21%. However, the most notable outcome of the election was the continued ascent of the far-right party Chega, which obtained 22.76% of the vote and 60 parliamentary seats—surpassing the Socialist Party (Partido Socialista), which secured only 58 mandates.[1]

Chega has thus become the second-largest political force in Portugal, significantly altering the country’s traditional party system, undermining democratic pluralism, and advancing an exclusionary nationalist agenda.

On the same day, May 18, in Argentina, the far-right coalition La Libertad Avanza won the legislative elections in the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires with 30.1% of the vote. This victory consolidated the position of Javier Milei, an economist-turned-media-personality who became president in 2023 with 55.69% of the vote (14,476,462 ballots cast in his favor).[2] Milei’s rapid rise has transformed Argentina’s political landscape, positioning radical libertarianism as an outlet for social discontent.

Although support for the far right extends across all age groups, it was young people in both Portugal and Argentina who initially structured this rise and who continue to play a central role in far-right discourse. In Portugal, exit polls conducted by Pitagórica[3] in 2025 showed—as in the 2022 and 2024 elections—that individuals aged 25–34 were the most likely to vote for Chega, with approximately 33% backing this party. Similarly, in Argentina, Milei’s support base includes a significant proportion of young people from working-class backgrounds affected by job insecurity and limited educational opportunities.[4]

These patterns raise important questions regarding the ideological realignment of younger generations and the communicative mechanisms employed by far-right movements to engage with them. Since November 2024, I have been conducting research in both countries to explore how digital culture and far-right discourse influence youth political behavior. Specifically, I examine the narratives that resonate with youth sensibilities, the communication styles used by official and unofficial far-right actors on platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, and the extent to which these strategies reshape political imaginaries.

This research uses two primary methods for data collection: (1) expert interviews with political analysts and scholars and (2) a critical digital discourse analysis of far-right content disseminated across social media platforms. While the research is ongoing, the following sections present preliminary findings and interpretive reflections.

The Aesthetic of Rebellion: Why the Far Right Resonates with Youth

A central finding of this study is the far right’s effective appropriation of the aesthetic of rebellion. In contrast to its traditional image as a “dangerous relic of the past,” contemporary far-right communication rearticulates its message through formats that align with styles perceived as attractive and relevant by youth audiences.

On TikTok, Instagram reels, and YouTube shorts, far-right influencers frequently employ irony, irreverent humor, memes, and popular music to attack “woke” values, feminism, LGBTQ+ rights, and progressive causes, which they portray as hegemonic and oppressive. Today, the far right is increasingly perceived as amusing, disruptive, confrontational, and engaged with ordinary people—all characteristics that hold strong appeal for younger audiences.

In Argentina, libertarianism—once marginal in a country shaped by Peronism and progressive social movements—has been reframed as a form of generational rebellion. For many young supporters, Milei’s rhetoric offers a way of rejecting the status quo and challenging the political and social groups that have long held power. As one young supporter stated, “We’re not the spoiled elites of the Propuesta Republicana. We’re spicy—we’re like the Peronists of liberalism” (free translation).[5] This rhetorical positioning casts ultraliberalism as a form of authentic, anti-systemic resistance.

Who, then, embodies all that must be rejected? In Argentina, the answer, according to far-right imaginaries, is a demonized and composite figure referred to as the casta. This term refers to a deliberately vague and malleable amalgam of political elites, public-sector workers, social activists, intellectuals, and welfare recipients—groups portrayed not merely as disconnected from “the people” but as active agents in the nation’s decline.

Meme retrieved from Javier Milei’s official Instagram account. The text reads: “Crystal Clear: Clean Record, The Casta.”

The so-called elites are presented as socially and politically homogeneous, with internal conflicts and tensions deliberately obscured. This homogenized group is then accused of having systematically deceived the population: by obscuring the structural roots of persistent economic crises, by defending redistributive policies that allegedly reward idleness and their privileges, and by imposing victim-centered narratives of past dictatorships that distract people from the supposed historical truth.[6]

Within this revisionist and populist framework, the casta is seen not just as a privileged minority but as a treacherous force—one that has hijacked state institutions for its own benefit and corrupted the moral fabric of the nation.

These tropes are echoed in Portugal with striking consistency in Chega’s messaging. The party persistently calls for a moral and institutional “cleansing” of Portuguese society, targeting those it designates as unproductive or parasitic, a kind of Portuguese casta—namely, immigrants, welfare beneficiaries, and political opponents,[7] among others.

These proposals are framed not as acts of cruelty but as necessary corrections that reflect the frustrations of the “clean record”—especially young men—who feel abandoned, dishonored, and rendered invisible by mainstream institutions. In this way, punitive and exclusionary measures are reframed as moral imperatives and necessary practices, restoring a lost sense of fairness and social hierarchy under the guise of economic and national regeneration.

The TikTok Algorithm

TikTok’s algorithm, like those of other platforms, privileges content that is emotionally engaging, visually dynamic, and easily consumable. Far-right communicators have mastered this environment by crafting charismatic digital personas—sometimes embodied by political figures such as Chega founder André Ventura and Milei themselves—and embedding ideological messages within entertainment-oriented formats. In this context, politics is transformed into a form of micro-entertainment and seamlessly integrated into users’ everyday scrolling practices.

The COVID-19 pandemic played a pivotal role in this transformation. It provided fertile ground for conspiracy theories, anti-state rhetoric, and libertarian fantasies of self-regulation. In Portugal, Chega took advantage of public frustrations with lockdowns and vaccination campaigns, framing state-imposed health measures as authoritarian overreach.[8] In Argentina, Milei released a film titled Pandemonics in which he portrays the pandemic response as an orchestrated scam. The movie ends with a punk-style anthem by Los Pibes Libertarios featuring the following credit lyrics:[9]

To hell with the damn “entrepre-losers”
To hell with the sodomites of capital
No more Keynesian trash
The liberal moment has arrived

We have a leader, a true icon
Who always manages to rattle the state
Javier Milei, future president
Javier Milei, the last punk

Always against the tax-funded pensions
Always against abusive statism
Fighting for a libertarian Argentina
And for the freedom of the working people (free translation)

This narrative resonated with young audiences who experienced the pandemic as a time of frustration, missed opportunities, and alienation. Moreover, far-right content consistently emphasizes that salvation will come through the party leader, who at this time was already portrayed as the president and the last hope in the fight for the country.

In Portugal, too, besides the use of fake news that supports his political views, Ventura’s online presence blends nationalist messaging with casual, trend-aware content—a strategy designed to normalize and sublimate violent political discourse. He shares images featuring a cat from the Chega central office, posts reaction videos, and comments on trending topics in a tone resembling that of a close friend. This form of political parasocial interaction—one-sided emotional bonds between followers and public figures—fosters a sense of intimacy and identification: Ventura appears approachable, authentic, and continuously present in the digital lives of his followers.

Photo retrieved from André Ventura’s official Instagram account.

In a context marked by widespread political disaffection—especially pronounced among working-class youth—far-right digital strategies have successfully cultivated a sense of proximity, immediacy, and responsiveness. Unlike mainstream political parties, which often appear distant, technocratic, and reliant on traditional media or complex political discourse, far-right actors leverage social media platforms to simulate a continuous, direct, and informal dialogue with their followers. This mediated intimacy cultivates a perception of accessibility and responsiveness that traditional political parties often fail to provide, fostering among followers a sense of being heard and represented in real time.

It is important to note that digital engagement is not confined to official politicians or party figures. The far-right online presence often comprises a diverse ecosystem of actors: influencers who engage audiences through more casual or lifestyle-oriented content, thereby broadening the movement’s appeal beyond explicitly political arenas, alongside smaller, fragmented groups, some of which openly promote neo-Nazi ideologies, for example. This multilayer network fosters an environment where radical ideas circulate across both overtly political and seemingly apolitical contexts.

No Future? Rebuilding Hope and Meaning

A recurring theme emerging from my fieldwork is the pervasive sense among young people of being trapped in a present devoid of a future. For many, democratic regimes and progressive political projects have failed to deliver promises of social mobility, dignity, or collective well-being. This widespread frustration, stemming from precarious employment, lack of affordable housing, and a profound sense of systemic marginalization, has driven many youths to seek new sources of meaning that provide both existential purpose and symbolic repositioning within society.

But what exactly do these movements offer to improve the lives of young people? On the surface, they promise status, success, and recognition in a world fraught with insecurities. However, such promises are often deliberately intertwined with ambiguous or confusing prospects for a better life. Notably, the far right does not advocate collective egalitarianism regarding these aspirations for a better life. Instead, its message emphasizes that positive social status depends on becoming an individually productive worker—more disciplined, resilient, but also more ruthless. The fierce struggle against the “caste” demands this stance, as this group is portrayed as perpetually attempting to game the system.

In both countries, young people are urged to rectify the perceived mistakes of their parents and grandparents, who are blamed for creating and sustaining the “caste”—generations allegedly seduced by the false promises of democracy, socialism, communism, or egalitarian reformism, and now dismissed as “things from old people.” It is now their historical mission to finally play the “right card” to overcome exploitation, not by rejecting it but by embracing its most radical and unrestrained form.

The core message is clear: the failure of the past was not capitalism but the resistance to its unrestricted development. The only barrier standing between young people and their dreams of economic and national development is a “leftist impoverishing state” that allegedly hindered the true flourishing of capitalism and compromised their generation. Therefore, the proposed solution is not revolution or reforms but purification: capitalism beyond contestation, legitimized by the fantasy of a liberated, unburdened, neoliberal subject. This vision is framed through masculinized archetypes—the self-made entrepreneur, the tax-resisting hero, the “clean record” citizen, among others.

The Entrenchment of Right-Wing Frameworks

Preliminary findings suggest that we are not witnessing a passing fad but a profound shift in political culture. Far-right movements have succeeded in establishing new common-sense frameworks among youth, particularly through digital media. These frameworks offer emotional gratification, inclusion, and a sense of belonging in a world otherwise experienced as unstable and unjust. Their success is underpinned by effective marketing strategies, often internationally funded and professionally managed, which blend ideological content with viral aesthetics.

While resistance remains—from street protests to media critiques—progressive forces have largely failed to offer compelling counter-narratives capable of matching the emotional and communicative resonance of the far-right.

Graffiti proclaiming that the homeland is not for sale and that people must choose between the homeland and the IMF, painted on barricades near the Casa Rosada, Buenos Aires, April 2025.

This research underscores the need for renewed attention to the ways digital communication reshapes political imaginaries and for urgent rethinking of civic education, digital literacy, and youth political engagement. If far-right discourse has become “the new punk,” then progressive movements must respond not only with better arguments but with more compelling affective and cultural strategies.

The stakes are high. The far right’s caricatured, shallow, and laughable nature have led many to underestimate its power and allowed them to grow enormously, without their true danger being fully acknowledged, in Portuguese and Argentine society, as well as worldwide. However, the history of the twentieth century serves as a stark reminder that this familiar path leads not merely to instability but to the erosion of democratic institutions and the exponential rise of political barbarism. And it is already happening.

Notes

[1] Ministry of Internal Administration, Resultados globais, 2025, accessed June 4, 2025, https://www.legislativas2025.mai.gov.pt/resultados/globais.

[2] National Electoral Directorate, Elecciones 2023: Segunda Vuelta, 2023, accessed June 5, 2025, https://resultados.mininterior.gob.ar/resultados/2023/3/1/0.

[3] Pedro Magalhães and João Cancela, As bases sociais do novo sistema partidário português, 2025, accessed June 4, 2025, https://www.pedro-magalhaes.org/as-bases-sociais-do-novo-sistema-partidario-portugues-2022-2025/.

[4] Ezequiel Ipar, “La rabia grita derecha,” Le Monde Diplomatique (edición 289), 2023, accessed June 6, 2025, https://www.eldiplo.org/283-por-que-la-derecha-conquista-a-los-jovenes/la-rabia-grita-derecha/.

[5] Melina Vázquez, “Los picantes del liberalismo: Jóvenes militantes de Milei y ‘nuevas derechas,’” in Está entre nosotros: ¿De dónde sale y hasta dónde puede llegar la extrema derecha que no vimos venir? edited by Pablo Semán, 2023, 81–122.

[6] Hernán Confino and Rodrigo Tizón, Anatomía de una mentira: Quiénes y por qué justifican a la represión de los setenta, Buenos Aires: Fondo de Cultura, 2024.

[7] Mariana Mendes, “Enough of What? An Analysis of Chega’s Populist Radical Right Agenda,” South European Society and Politics 26, no. 3 (2021): 329–353.

[8] Mónica Soares and Marcela Uchôa, “Is It Just about a Renewed Conspiracy? Endorsement of a Far-Right Subjectivity in Portuguese Movements against Covid-19 Sanitary Control Measures,” Journal for the Study of Radicalism 18, no. 1 (2024): 181–208.

[9] Valentina Di Croce, El Arca de Milei: ¿Cómo y con quién construyó su poder? Buenos Aires: Futurock Ediciones, 2024.

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EDI Rhetoric and the Experiences of LGBTQ+ International Students in Canada

December 10, 2024
By 31445

The experiences of LGBTQ+ international students in Canada point to a complex web of challenges, writes Fatemeh Gharibi (York University, 2020), from discriminatory immigration and academic policies to revenue-motivated promises of inclusion, highlighting contradictions in the country’s equity, diversity, and inclusion rhetoric.

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Over 7 million students in higher education globally hold international status, a number growing due to globalization and the evolution of the “knowledge economy” (Corkum 2017, 110; Trilokekar et al. 2020, 9). In response to rising anti-immigrant sentiments and political shifts to the right, Canada has introduced caps on international students, impacting both current and prospective students (IRCC 2024). These restrictions, alongside recent price surges and housing crises blamed on migrants, disproportionately affect international students, particularly those with temporary status in Canada (Hamilton & Su 2024). Marc Miller, Canada’s minister of immigration, announced in 2023 that international student caps would also affect students already in the country, impacting admission, work permits, and other vital aspects of their stay.

LGBTQ+ international students face additional challenges, influenced by changes in immigration policies and the social climate regarding LGBTQ+ rights, which affect their quality of life and access to resources. Anti-LGBTQ+ sentiment has also been rising in Canada, with legislation such as Bill 137 in Saskatchewan, which mandates parental consent for minors to use a different gender-related name or pronoun at school, sparking concerns for LGBTQ+ students who came to Canada for a more accepting environment (Marshall 2021; Corkum 2017). Research shows that anti-LGBTQ+ ideologies often intersect with other bigoted beliefs and far-right politics, impacting LGBTQ+ international students disproportionately (Dietzel et al. 2023).

As a queer, racialized international student, I find Canada’s Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion (EDI) rhetoric contradictory, given the exploitative nature of its immigration and education systems, which create precarities for marginalized groups. Economic-driven research on international students, often criticized as “reductionist,” fails to fully capture the lived experiences of these students (Tavares 2021a, 5). To address this gap, I conducted a systematic literature review of 100 sources from 2000 to 2024, exploring the experiences of LGBTQ+ international students and the intersection of university internationalization, EDI priorities, and their impacts on these students.

The review revealed that while migration offers LGBTQ+ students opportunities for self-exploration, it also exposes them to unique challenges, including discrimination based on intersecting identities like race, sexuality, status, and nationality. For these students, access to resources is limited compared to their domestic counterparts. The commercialization of education for international students, moreover, conflicts with EDI’s goals. EDI is often used as a marketing tool to portray Canada as inclusive while treating diversity as a commodity to attract students who are then exploited as revenue sources. This dual focus on profit and diversity branding highlights the contradictions in EDI policies in capitalist countries like Canada, which may appear inclusive but prioritize revenue generation over actual support for international students’ well-being.

“We Reject Your ‘Use and Throw’ Policy.” Day 45 (October 13, 2024) of protests in Brampton, where former international students have been camping outdoors to draw attention to recent policy changes in Canada.

International LGBTQ+ Students’ Experiences

The term “international student” is often homogenizing, lumping together people from diverse backgrounds; my research centers on students from the Global South in Canada, highlighting voices lacking the privileges of white, Western counterparts. For LGBTQ+ international students, migration can be a space for identity exploration (Corkum 2017; Nguyen et al. 2017; Oba & Pope 2013), but these students also encounter challenges within Canada’s racial and colonial hierarchies, affecting them through discriminatory immigration and academic policies (Yao et al. 2019; Lee 2019; Stein & de Andreotti 2016). Two key literature areas address these students’ experiences.

The first area focuses on “identity development” and cultural challenges in “coming out,” exploring dual cultural influences of home and host countries, and the need for culturally sensitive support (Nguyen et al. 2017; Quach et al. 2013; Oba & Pope 2013). This literature notes the complexity of disclosure due to family, cultural beliefs, and the legal status of LGBTQ+ rights in home countries (Nguyen et al. 2017, 113–14). However, by centering on cultural differences, it sometimes neglects broader power structures, racial issues, and the historical spread of homophobia via colonization, as well as recent anti-LGBTQ+ backlashes in the Global North.

The second area explores how racism, nationalism, and colonialism impact queer migrant bodies and create precarious statuses (Marshall 2021; Corkum 2017; Lee 2019). Concepts like “homonationalism” in Canada reveal how some queer identities, especially white ones, are embraced by the state, reinforcing inequalities (Puar 2017; Marshall 2021). Corkum (2017, 124) specifically highlights the disillusionment faced by LGBTQ+ international students who confront values favoring their white, Canadian-born peers, which can hinder their belonging and relegate racialized queer students to marginal spaces. My present study aligns with a “holistic” approach (Tavares 2021a), focusing on lived experiences and challenging systemic barriers.

There remains a gap in research on how issues like gender and sexuality affect broader challenges like housing, employment, health, and social services access. The current literature on LGBTQ+ international students largely prioritizes identity while overlooking trans-specific experiences, disabilities, and relationship with land, with only brief mentions of nationality and status.

Implications of Internationalization and EDI

Internationalization is a high priority at 95% of Canadian universities (AUCC, cited in Stein & de Andreotti 2016, 230), driven by neoliberal economic shifts and global politics. De Wit et al. describe the four rationales for this trend as “political, economic, socio-cultural, and academic” (cited in Guo & Guo 2017, 853). Though academic internationalization ideally integrates international perspectives into education (Jane Knight, cited in Das Gupta & Gomez 2023, 73), it often becomes a “marketing strategy” aimed at revenue generation, with international students paying higher fees to make up for public funding cuts (Guo & Guo 2017, 851; Das Gupta & Gomez 2023; McCartney & Metcalfe 2018).

EDI strategies in Canada were introduced post-1970s as responses to civil rights movements and neoliberal immigration priorities, framed by multiculturalism and human rights (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023, 72). EDI policies help market Canadian education as inclusive, particularly to students of color from the Global South, positioning Canada as tolerant and benevolent. However, EDI can reinforce Western dominance by perpetuating a global hierarchy where the West is always positioned as superior (Stein & de Andreotti 2016, 226).

While EDI and internationalization are priorities for Canadian universities, their revenue-driven approaches often undermine true equity for international students, leading to contradictions in policies and practices (Buckner et al. 2022, 39; Tavares 2021b, 2). The focus on generating income through recruitment can overshadow equitable treatment and inclusion for these students. The following section will further explore international students’ experiences of EDI in educational settings.

EDI Strategies and International Students

Few studies have investigated EDI strategies concerning international students, with none of them specifically addressing gender and sexuality. These studies raise concerns about the effectiveness of EDI practices, particularly in the context of internationalization, due to the inherent contradiction between the two (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023; Buckner et al. 2022; Tavares 2021b). I seek to connect these findings to relevant experiences of international LGBTQ+ students.

Equity?

Tamtik and Guenter (2019) emphasize that Canadian universities largely overlook international students as an equity-seeking group, even though many are people of color and face unique barriers due to their temporary status. Buckner et al. (2022) argue that universities need to address the contradiction between market and equity logics, especially in relation to tuition disparities between international and domestic students. Das Gupta and Gomez (2023, 81) note that international students, particularly those with post-graduate work permits, often lack access to settlement and social services. This gap extends to international LGBTQ+ students, who encounter difficulties in accessing necessary medical and legal services related to gender transitioning and HIV prevention (OHTN n.d., 5).

Diversity?

Diversity is often promoted as a means of enriching knowledge and intercultural connections (Legusov & Jafar 2021, 57), yet Trilokekar and El Masri (2016, 674–76) reveal that the process of recruiting international students and their integration into Canadian society often reinforces conformity to Canadian norms around race, language, and religion, limiting the genuine mutual exchange intended. International students frequently find that their presence does not foster true intercultural connections, as curricula often lack international perspectives, and their experiences are undervalued (Tavares 2021b; Guo & Guo 2017). Ahmed (2012, 10–11) observes that “diversity” is frequently presented as an achievement even when there is no real institutional change. Moreover, while gender and sexual diversity are celebrated, Canadian universities often fail to address the unique needs of international LGBTQ+ students who prioritize privacy over visibility due to concerns like “diasporic surveillance” (Nguyen et al. 2017, 117–18; Corkum 2017, 114).

Inclusion?

Tavares (2021b, 1) finds that international students often experience superficial multiculturalism and social exclusion. LGBTQ+ international students face barriers both within the university and in queer communities, feeling isolated as “the international ones” in local LGBTQ+ groups and “the LGBTQ+ ones” among international students (Corkum 2017; Nguyen et al. 2017). Inclusion is problematic within a system that marginalizes certain groups, as Lenon and Dryden (2015, 16) argue, pointing out that “inclusion does not equate to justice.” They contend that inclusion efforts often uphold neoliberalism, white supremacy, and Western dominance, exacerbating the vulnerabilities of international LGBTQ+ students (Lenon & Dryden 2015; Thobani 2007).

The author, left, presents research findings in a panel titled “From Failure to Refusal: Queerness, Migrancy, and Other Improper Subjects of Racial and Colonial Capitalism” at the Congress of Social Sciences and Humanities, Toronto, Canada, May, 2023. The other panelists are, from left, Rhiannon Cobb, Mengzhu Fu, and Jin Haritaworn.

Closing Remarks

The existing literature provides an intersectional analysis of international LGBTQ+ students’ experiences, but more nuanced frameworks are needed to understand issues concerning their identities. Dominant identity categorizations in Western academia, like queer of color, may not fully capture their social locations, as they come from different racial structures in their home countries and may not initially feel connected to either queer or people of color histories and concerns in the host country. To address these incompatibilities, researchers have attempted to incorporate queer diasporic critique, neo-racism frameworks, and transnational critical race theory frameworks (Corkum 2017; Lee & Rice 2007; Yao et al 2019).

The literature examining EDI and decolonization in the context of internationalization presents two main approaches: one advocates for reforms within existing frameworks, focusing on improving EDI fulfillment through enhanced student support (Buckner et al. 2022; Tavares 2021b), and integrating Indigenous knowledge to decolonize internationalization (Beck & Pidgeon 2022). Another perspective challenges the systems of oppression at local and global levels and questions the feasibility of achieving equity, diversity, inclusion, and decolonization for international students within the current framework (Das Gupta & Gomez 2023).

Incorporating critical frameworks in everyday encounters and work with international students can challenge the reproduction of deficit narratives and expectations for seamless assimilation into local sexuality norms. Instead of constantly attempting to educate international students about the host country’s norms, there is a need to teach domestic students, faculty, staff, and society about other countries. It is essential to learn from the diverse stories and knowledge of international students, how they envision classrooms, campuses, queer and trans spaces, immigration, and internationalization, and be prepared to start adjusting instead of expecting them to do all the work.

References

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Beck, K. & Pidgeon, M. 2020. “Across the Divide: Critical Conversations on Decolonization, Indigenization, and Internationalization.” In Tamtik, M., Trilokekar, R. D., & Jones, G. A., eds., International Education as Public Policy in Canada, 384–406. McGill-Queen’s University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18sqz9q.22.

Brunner, L. R. 2023. “Settler Nation-Building through Immigration as a Rationale for Higher Education: A Critical Discourse Analysis.” Higher Education Research & Development, 42(5), 1086–1102. https://doi.org/10.1080/07294360.2023.2193732.

Buckner, E., Chan, E., & Kim, C. 2022. “Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion on Canadian Universities: Where Do International Students Fit In?” Comparative and International Education, 51(1), 39–56. https://ojs.lib.uwo.ca/index.php/cie-eci/article/view/14613.

Corkum, T. 2017. “Where Do I Begin? Educational Citizenship and Sexual Minority International Students in Ontario.” In Carpenter, S. & Mojab, S., eds., Youth as/in Crisis: Young People, Public Policy, and the Politics of Learning, 109–25. Rotterdam: Sense Publishers. https://link.springer.com/chapter/10.1007/978-94-6351-098-1_8.

Das Gupta, T. & Gomez, B. 2023. “International Students and Equity, Diversity and Inclusivity (EDI) in Canadian Universities: A Critical Look.” In Kim, A., Buckner, E., & Montsion, J. M., eds., International Students from Asia in Canadian Universities, 72–85. Routledge. https://www.taylorfrancis.com/chapters/oa-edit/10.4324/b23160-7/international-students-equity-diversity-inclusivity-edi-canadian-universities-tania-das-gupta-bianca-gomez.

Dietzel, C., Maitland, H., & Jonsson, S. 2023. “Queerphobic Hate Is on the Rise, and LGBTQ+ Communities in Canada Need More Support.” The Conversation, October 24. http://theconversation.com/queerphobic-hate-is-on-the-rise-and-lgbtq-communities-in-canada-need-more-support-214932.

Guo, Y. & Guo, S. 2017. “Internationalization of Canadian Higher Education: Discrepancies between Policies and International Student Experiences.” Studies in Higher Education, 42(5), 851–868. https://doi.org/10.1080/03075079.2017.1293874.

Hamilton, L. & Su, Y. 2024. “International Students Cap Falsely Blames Them for Canada’s Housing and Health-Care Woes.” The Conversation, January 25. http://theconversation.com/international-students-cap-falsely-blames-them-for-canadas-housing-and-health-care-woes-221859.

Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada (IRCC). 2024. “Canada to Stabilize Growth and Decrease Number of New International Student Permits Issued to Approximately 360,000 for 2024.” News Release, January 22. https://www.canada.ca/en/immigration-refugees-citizenship/news/2024/01/canada-to-stabilize-growth-and-decrease-number-of-new-international-student-permits-issued-to-approximately-360000-for-2024.html.

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McCartney, D. M. & Metcalfe, A. S. 2018. “Corporatization of Higher Education through Internationalization: The Emergence of Pathway Colleges in Canada.” Tertiary Education and Management 24 (3): 206–20. https://doi.org/10.1080/13583883.2018.1439997.

Nguyen, H. N., Agrawal, A., & Grafsky, E. L. 2017. “International LGBTQ Students across Borders and within the University. In Johnson, J. M. & Javier, G., eds., Queer People of Color in Higher Education, 109–22. Information Age Publishing, Inc. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/26r5oc/alma991036306548005164.

Oba, Y. & Pope, M. 2013. “Counseling and Advocacy with LGBT International Students.” Journal of LGBT Issues in Counseling, 7(2), 185–93. https://doi.org/10.1080/15538605.2013.785468.

Ontario Network for HIV Treatment (OHTN). n.d. Connection and Acceptance: A Resource Guide for Providers Serving International LGBTQ+ Students. https://hqtoronto.ca/wp-content/uploads/OHTN-International-Student-Provider-Resource.pdf.

Puar, J. K. 2017. Terrorist Assemblages: Homonationalism in Queer Times (Tenth Anniversary Expanded Edition). Duke University Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9780822371755.

Stein, S. & de Andreotti, V. O. 2016. “Cash, Competition, or Charity: International Students and the Global Imaginary. Higher Education, 72 (2), 225–39. https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s10734-015-9949-8.

Tamtik, M. & Guenter, M. 2019. “Policy Analysis of Equity, Diversity and Inclusion Strategies in Canadian Universities: How Far Have We Come?” Canadian Journal of Higher Education / Revue canadienne d’enseignement supérieur, 49(3), 41–56. https://doi.org/10.7202/1066634ar.

Tavares, V. 2021a. International Students in Higher Education: Language, Identity, and Experience from a Holistic Perspective. Rowman & Littlefield. https://rowman.com/ISBN/9781793641113/International-Students-in-Higher-Education-Language-Identity-and-Experience-from-a-Holistic-Perspective.

Tavares, V. 2021b. “Feeling Excluded: International Students Experience Equity, Diversity, and Inclusion.” International Journal of Inclusive Education, 28(8), 1551–68. https://doi.org/10.1080/13603116.2021.2008536.

Thobani, S. 2007. Exalted Subjects: Studies in the Making of Race and Nation in Canada. University of Toronto Press. https://ocul-yor.primo.exlibrisgroup.com/permalink/01OCUL_YOR/j50f41/cdi_askewsholts_vlebooks_9781442691520.

Trilokekar, R. D., Jones, G.A., & Tamtik, M. 2020. “Introduction: The Emergence of International Education as Public Policy.” In Tamtik, M., Trilokekar, R. D., & Jones, G.A., eds., International Education as Public Policy in Canada, 3–26. McGill-Queen’s University Press. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv18sqz9q.5.

Trilokekar, R. D. & El Masri, A. 2016. “The ‘[H]unt for New Canadians Begins in the Classroom’: The Construction and Contradictions of Canadian Policy Discourse on International Education. Globalisation, Societies and Education, 15(5), 666–78. https://doi.org/10.1080/14767724.2016.1222897.

Tuck, E. & Yang, K. W. 2012. “Decolonization Is Not a Metaphor.” Decolonization: Indigeneity, Education & Society, 1(1), 1–40. https://clas.osu.edu/sites/clas.osu.edu/files/Tuck%20and%20Yang%202012%20Decolonization%20is%20not%20a%20metaphor.pdf.

Quach, A. S., Todd, M. E., Hepp, B. W., & Doneker Mancini, K. L. 2013. “Conceptualizing Sexual Identity Development: Implications for GLB Chinese International Students.” Journal of GLBT Family Studies, 9(3), 254–72. https://doi.org/10.1080/1550428X.2013.781908.

Yao, C. W., Mwangi, C. A. G., & Brown, V. K. M. 2019. “Exploring the Intersection of Transnationalism and Critical Race Theory: A Critical Race Analysis of International Student Experiences in the United States.” Race Ethnicity and Education, 22(1), 38–58. https://doi.org/10.1080/13613324.2018.1497968

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The Impact of Terrorist Attacks on Tourism Arrivals and Income

October 1, 2024
By 30654

There has long been a correlation between terrorism and tourism, as terrorist attacks can reduce tourist arrivals at certain destinations until the unrest subsides. Farhad Nazir (University of Coimbra, 2022) undertook a study on the impact of terrorism on tourism arrivals and income by analyzing 30 years of data. This Voices article is based on a book chapter that was originally published in the Research Handbook on Tourism, Complexity and Uncertainty.

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Analyzing the Global Terrorism Database (START, 2022) provides evidence that almost every country in the world has experienced terrorist attacks. Since the second half of the twentieth century, terrorism has become a method of armed, institutionalized, and geographically widespread conflict (Seabra, 2019). There has been a proliferation of armed conflict in recent years, with the most influential phenomenon for geopolitical change being terrorism (Cutter, Richardson, & Wilbanks, 2003). Since the late 1960s, terrorist attacks have become more brutal and violent, far more organized, and geographically disseminated (Reisinger & Mavondo, 2005). International and domestic terrorism (perpetrated by national or international groups) have become a fact of modern life since the 1980s.

The impact of terrorism on the economy and society has been extensively documented in the literature on tourism (Blomberg, Hess, & Orphanides, 2004; Crain & Crain, 2006; Enders & Sandler, 1996; Krueger & Maleckova, 2003; Llussá & Tavares, 2007). Researchers in the 1980s predicted a substantial increase in terrorist attacks in the future, speculating that terrorist groups would continue to select vulnerable targets, attacks would become more indiscriminate, and terrorism would become more institutionalized and geographically widespread as a method of armed conflict (Atkinson, Sandler, & Tschirhart, 1987).

By attacking tourism targets, terrorist organizations gain publicity and achieve strategic and ideological goals by attracting attention to their message of opposition (Seabra, 2019). This unhappy match and the embedded dimensions and consequences for tourism demand and supply have been exhaustively contemplated in academic research since the 1980s. There has long been a close link between terrorism and tourism, but a number of high-profile attacks have brought a paradigm shift in demand and supply of the tourism system (Avraham, 2020).

Terrorist organizations appear to have become mainly focused on communicating a message to the largest possible audience: the 1972 attack during the Munich Olympics reached an audience of 800 million viewers (Schmid & De Graaf, 1982); the kidnapping of the Achille Lauro cruise ship in 1985 attracted global attention for weeks; and 9/11 in New York in 2001 showed the world that terrorists were willing to attack defenseless civilians in pursuing their objectives.

The 9/11 Memorial & Museum, located at the site of the former World Trade Center in New York. ©Chris Hepburn / Getty Images

My research focuses on the impact of terrorism events on the tourism industry. Specifically, I analyzed how the number of terrorist events over the past 30 years (1991–2019), retrieved from the Global Terrorism Database (START, 2022), has impacted tourism income and arrivals in various regions, as classified by the UN World Tourism Organization (UNWTO): North Africa; Sub-Saharan Africa; North, South, and Central America; the Caribbean; Northeast, South, and Southeast Asia and Oceania; Northern, Central/Eastern, Southern/Mediterranean Europe; Western Europe; and the Middle East. Using a Pearson correlation coefficient and a linear regression method, I measured the impact of terrorism events on tourist arrivals and tourism income generation for each UNWTO region.

Positive and Negative Impacts

For this study I worked with colleagues Claudia Seabra, assistant professor at the University of Coimbra, and Sunil Tewari, assistant professor at the Central University of Kerala. The study was empirical in nature, conducted through both qualitative and quantitative methods. To examine the association between terrorism events (predictor variable) and tourist arrivals and tourism income (outcome variables), a Pearson correlation coefficient was used. In the context of this study, terrorism events were regarded as independent variables and tourist arrivals as a dependent variable. Further, with the help of a linear regression method, the impact of terrorism events on tourist arrivals and tourism income was measured separately.

Terrorism is a serious, global concern for both domestic and cross-border tourism, which has been subject to immense and lasting impacts. Our analysis of the impact of terrorism events over the last 30 years in the UNWTO regions indicates that there have been both positive and negative impacts on tourist arrivals. In regions like South America, Central America, the Caribbean, Northeast Asia, Oceania, Southern/Mediterranean Europe, and Western Europe, the number of tourists decreased significantly. Conversely, in regions such as North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, North America, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Northern Europe, Central/Eastern Europe, and the Middle East, the number of tourists increased.

Similarly, tourism income significantly decreased due to terrorism events in such regions as South America, Central America, the Caribbean, Northeast Asia, Oceania, Southern/Mediterranean Europe, and Western Europe, whereas in regions like North Africa, Sub-Saharan Africa, North America, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Northern Europe, Central/Eastern Europe, and the Middle East, tourism income increased from 1991 to 2019.

Key Insights

This study offers several insights that have theoretical, academic, and institutional implications. Theoretically, we have corroborated the link between terrorist attacks and fluctuations in tourist arrivals and income. On the academic discourse front, this study has identified important dimensions and perspectives in envisaging the statistical variances, nature, and consequences of terrorist attacks. And for institutions and legal entities, both public and private, this endeavor has identified the key grey areas that need to be emphasized prior to, during, and after terrorist incidents.

Tourism destinations need to readdress conventional crisis management plans and blueprints, as existing institutional frameworks, governance legislation, and environmental landscapes may be inadequate to cope with fluctuating global conditions. The empirical results of this study suggest that a surge of terrorism events significantly impacts tourist arrivals and tourism income for a short duration. But after some time passes, tourists are even more curious to explore such destinations. International tourist arrivals will decline in the long run compared to domestic tourists, since international tourists want to avoid any kind of risk in their travel plans. In destinations affected by terrorism, governments and tourism organizations need to address safety measures and build marketing and promotion plans to reclaim their natural tourism markets.

Finally, I would like to acknowledge that this research received support from the Centre of Studies in Geography and Spatial Planning in Portugal, funded by the Foundation for Science and Technology, and from the Ryoichi Sasakawa Young Leaders Fellowship Fund of the Tokyo Foundation for Policy Research.

References

Atkinson, S., Sandler, T., & Tschirhart, J. (1987). Terrorism in a Bargaining Framework. Journal of Law and Economics, 30(1), 1–21.

Avraham, E. (2020). Combating Tourism Crisis following Terror Attacks: Image Repair Strategies for European Destinations since 2014. Current Issues in Tourism, 24(8), 1079–1092.

Blomberg, S., Hess, G., & Orphanides, A. (2004). The Macroeconomic Consequences of Terrorism. Journal of Monetary Economics, 51, 1007–1032.

Crain, N., & Crain, W. (2006). Terrorized Economies. Public Choice, 128, 317–349.

Cutter, S., Richardson, D. & Wilbanks, T. (2003). The Geographical Dimensions of Terrorism. New York: Routledge.

Enders, W., & Sandler, T. (1996). Terrorism and Foreign Direct Dnvestment in Spain and Greece. Kyklos, 49, 331–352.

Krueger, A., & Maleckova, J. (2003). Education, Poverty and Terrorism: Is There a Causal Connection? Journal of Economic Perspectives, 17(4), 119–144.

Llussá, F., & Tavares, J. (2007). Economics and Terrorism: What We Know, What We Should Know and the Data We Need. In P. Keefer & N. Loayza (eds), Terrorism, Economic Development, and Political Openness (pp. 233–254). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

Reisinger, Y., & Mavondo, F. (2005). Travel Anxiety and Intentions to Travel Internationally: Implications of Travel Risk Perception. Journal of Travel Research, 43(3), 212–225.

Schmid, A. P. & De Graaf, J. (1982). Violence as Communication. Beverly Hills, CA: Sage.

Seabra, C. (2019). Terrorism and Tourism Revisited. In A. Correia, A. Fyall, & M. Kozak (eds), Experiential Consumption and Marketing in Tourism: A Cross-Cultural Context (pp. 57–75). Oxford: Goodfellow Publishers.

START (University of Maryland National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism) (2022). Global Terrorism Database. https://www.start.umd.edu/gtd/.

 

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Genetic-Level Explorations into the Gut Microbiota

April 12, 2024
By 29989

To analyze the relationship between the gut microbiota and host diseases, Tomoya Tsukimi (Keio University, 2021) used an SRG award to conduct experiments at the University of Tsukuba, where he examined the mechanisms of intestinal bacterial colonization at the genetic level. He eventually hopes to enhance treatment outcomes through the development of personalized medicine.

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About 40 trillion bacteria inhabit the human body, the majority of them in the gastrointestinal tract.(1) One place where these bacteria are particularly abundant is our large intestine. These bacteria, collectively known as the gut microbiota, have a lot of genes—even more so than human beings.(2, 3)

The intestinal bacteria form part of a complex ecosystem in the gut as they interact with host cells. Studies have shown that they boost resistance to pathogen infection,(4) affect host bile acid metabolism,(5) help maintain immune homeostasis,(6) and are even involved in brain functions. (7) Furthermore, there is growing evidence of a relationship between the gut microbiota and host diseases—not only digestive disease(8, 9) but also a wide range of systemic ailments like cancer,(10) diabetes,(11) and psychiatric disorders.(12)

The gut microbiota also influences the pharmacological effects of disease treatments.(13) This has spurred the development of methods to control the gut microbiota for the prevention and treatment of disease,(14, 15) such as through prebiotics, probiotics, and fecal microbiota transplantation.

Health Benefits of Probiotics, from BioRender, https://app.biorender.com/biorender-templates/figures/all/t-64400e6d675cf5f619cd17db-health-benefits-of-probiotics.

 

The question my research seeks to answer is, “What factors are important for the bacterial colonization of the host intestinal tract?” Recent studies have shown that imbalances in the intestinal microbiota are associated with various diseases. While fecal microbiota transplantation therapy and probiotics have been used to treat these diseases, studies indicate that exogenous bacteria have difficulty colonizing a patient’s intestines.(16)

Previous studies have discussed intestinal bacteria based on information regarding genus-level composition. But dietary composition exerts selective pressure on not only the species but also variants and substrains within the same species.(17) This points to the importance of studying the mechanism of intestinal bacterial colonization at the genetic level. I have therefore focused on genetic mutations of E. (Escherichia) coli during intestinal colonization in mice. E. coli is prevalent in the human gut as well, and its genetic manipulation is well established.

Identifying Genes Important for E. Coli Colonization

E. coli has approximately 4,000 genes. I examined which genes mutated when E. coli colonizes the mouse intestine and the mechanism by which these genes mutated. I decided to use germ-free (GF) mice, which has no bacteria in their intestines, thus enabling me to clarify the relationship between the host mouse and E. coli mutations.

Unfortunately, the laboratory with which I am affiliated does not have a facility to breed GF mice. So, I conducted my experiments at the University of Tsukuba, a national research university in Ibaraki Prefecture, which has one of the best-equipped animal experiment facilities in Japan. It was thanks to a Sylff Research Grant that I was able to finance my travel and lodging expenses to carry out my research there, so I would like to thank the Sylff Association for giving me this opportunity to advance my studies.

The University of Tsukuba campus.

I have been able to identify the genes that appear to be important for the colonization of E. coli. The study also helped to elucidate the adaptive mechanisms of the gut microbiota. A paper summarizing the results is currently under review for publication in a peer-reviewed, international journal.

Developing a Treatment for Bowel Diseases

Ulcerative colitis and Crohn’s disease are inflammatory bowel diseases that are associated with intestinal bacteria for which effective treatments have not yet been established. There are some 300,000 patients of the two diseases in Japan and 1.6 million in the United States. This study has the potential to more clearly explain the bacterial colonization mechanism, leading to a highly accurate method for controlling the intestinal environment and contributing to the development of a treatment for these diseases.

Although there have been cases of clinical recovery using prebiotics, probiotics, and fecal microbiota transplantation therapy, the success rate varies widely from one individual to another. By focusing on the mechanism of intestinal colonization at the genomic level, the findings of this study can be used to develop methods for controlling the intestinal environment that are specific to the individual. In the future, I hope to contribute to the development of tailor-made medicine targeting intestinal bacteria and to the realization of a society where everyone can lead a healthy life.

I believe this research also has implications for discussions of human traits that are universal and those that are unique. As mentioned above, about 40 trillion bacteria inhabit the human body. This is comparable to the number of human cells. Since bacteria are associated with various diseases, “the human body can be considered a superorganism; a communal group of human and microbial cells all working for the benefit of the collective.”(18)

Studies have shown that bacterial composition and metabolite concentrations in the gut differ among individuals.(19, 20) This suggests that commensal bacteria—those that live in harmony with humans—can be regarded as one factor that distinguishes the self from others. Studies like mine on commensal bacteria may therefore offer clues to such overarching questions as “What am I?” and “What makes me different from others?”

 

References

  1. Sender R, Fuchs S, Milo R. 2016. Revised estimates for the number of human and bacteria cells in the body. PLoS biology 14:e1002533.
  2. Qin J, Li R, Raes J, Arumugam M, Burgdorf KS, Manichanh C, Nielsen T, Pons N, Levenez F, Yamada T, Mende DR, Li J, Xu J, Li S, Li D, Cao J, Wang B, Liang H, Zheng H, Xie Y, Tap J, Lepage P, Bertalan M, Batto JM, Hansen T, Le Paslier D, Linneberg A, Nielsen HB, Pelletier E, Renault P, Sicheritz-Ponten T, Turner K, Zhu H, Yu C, Li S, Jian M, Zhou Y, Li Y, Zhang X, Li S, Qin N, Yang H, Wang J, Brunak S, Dore J, Guarner F, Kristiansen K, Pedersen O, Parkhill J, Weissenbach J, et al. 2010. A human gut microbial gene catalogue established by metagenomic sequencing. Nature 464:59-65.
  3. Nishijima S, Suda W, Oshima K, Kim SW, Hirose Y, Morita H, Hattori M. 2016. The gut microbiome of healthy Japanese and its microbial and functional uniqueness. DNA research 23:125-33.
  4. Ubeda C, Djukovic A, Isaac S. 2017. Roles of the intestinal microbiota in pathogen protection. Clinical & translational immunology 6:e128.
  5. Sayin SI, Wahlstrom A, Felin J, Jantti S, Marschall HU, Bamberg K, Angelin B, Hyotylainen T, Oresic M, Backhed F. 2013. Gut microbiota regulates bile acid metabolism by reducing the levels of tauro-beta-muricholic acid, a naturally occurring FXR antagonist. Cell metabolism 17:225-35.
  6. Kawamoto S, Maruya M, Kato LM, Suda W, Atarashi K, Doi Y, Tsutsui Y, Qin H, Honda K, Okada T, Hattori M, Fagarasan S. 2014. Foxp3(+) T cells regulate immunoglobulin a selection and facilitate diversification of bacterial species responsible for immune homeostasis. Immunity 41:152-65.
  7. Bravo JA, Forsythe P, Chew MV, Escaravage E, Savignac HM, Dinan TG, Bienenstock J, Cryan JF. 2011. Ingestion of Lactobacillus strain regulates emotional behavior and central GABA receptor expression in a mouse via the vagus nerve. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 108:16050-5.
  8. Frank DN, St Amand AL, Feldman RA, Boedeker EC, Harpaz N, Pace NR. 2007. Molecular-phylogenetic characterization of microbial community imbalances in human inflammatory bowel diseases. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 104:13780-5.
  9. Gevers D, Kugathasan S, Denson LA, Vazquez-Baeza Y, Van Treuren W, Ren B, Schwager E, Knights D, Song SJ, Yassour M, Morgan XC, Kostic AD, Luo C, Gonzalez A, McDonald D, Haberman Y, Walters T, Baker S, Rosh J, Stephens M, Heyman M, Markowitz J, Baldassano R, Griffiths A, Sylvester F, Mack D, Kim S, Crandall W, Hyams J, Huttenhower C, Knight R, Xavier RJ. 2014. The treatment-naive microbiome in new-onset Crohn's disease. Cell host & microbe 15:382-392.
  10. Kostic AD, Chun E, Robertson L, Glickman JN, Gallini CA, Michaud M, Clancy TE, Chung DC, Lochhead P, Hold GL, El-Omar EM, Brenner D, Fuchs CS, Meyerson M, Garrett WS. 2013. Fusobacterium nucleatum potentiates intestinal tumorigenesis and modulates the tumor-immune microenvironment. Cell host & microbe 14:207-15.
  11. Everard A, Belzer C, Geurts L, Ouwerkerk JP, Druart C, Bindels LB, Guiot Y, Derrien M, Muccioli GG, Delzenne NM, de Vos WM, Cani PD. 2013. Cross-talk between Akkermansia muciniphila and intestinal epithelium controls diet-induced obesity. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 110:9066-71.
  12. Jiang H, Ling Z, Zhang Y, Mao H, Ma Z, Yin Y, Wang W, Tang W, Tan Z, Shi J, Li L, Ruan B. 2015. Altered fecal microbiota composition in patients with major depressive disorder. Brain, behavior, and immunity 48:186-94.
  13. Maier L, Pruteanu M, Kuhn M, Zeller G, Telzerow A, Anderson EE, Brochado AR, Fernandez KC, Dose H, Mori H, Patil KR, Bork P, Typas A. 2018. Extensive impact of non-antibiotic drugs on human gut bacteria. Nature 555:623-628.
  14. Markowiak P, Slizewska K. 2017. Effects of probiotics, prebiotics, and synbiotics on human health. Nutrients 9:1021.
  15. Crook N, Ferreiro A, Gasparrini AJ, Pesesky MW, Gibson MK, Wang B, Sun X, Condiotte Z, Dobrowolski S, Peterson D, Dantas G. 2019. Adaptive strategies of the candidate probiotic E. coli Nissle in the mammalian gut. Cell host & microbe 25:499-512.
  16. van Nood E, Vrieze A, Nieuwdorp M, Fuentes S, Zoetendal EG, de Vos WM, Visser CE, Kuijper EJ, Bartelsman JF, Tijssen JG, Speelman P, Dijkgraaf MG, Keller JJ. 2013. Duodenal infusion of donor feces for recurrent Clostridium difficile. N Engl J Med 368:407-15.
  17. Yilmaz B, Mooser C, Keller I, Li H, Zimmermann J, Bosshard L, Fuhrer T, Gomez de Aguero M, Trigo NF, Tschanz-Lischer H, Limenitakis JP, Hardt WD, McCoy KD, Stecher B, Excoffier L, Sauer U, Ganal-Vonarburg SC, Macpherson AJ. 2021. Long-term evolution and short-term adaptation of microbiota strains and sub-strains in mice. Cell host & microbe 29:650-663.
  18. Sleator RD. 2010. The human superorganism - of microbes and men. Medical hypotheses 74:214-5.
  19. Song EJ, Shin JH. 2022. Personalized Diets based on the Gut Microbiome as a Target for Health Maintenance: from Current Evidence to Future Possibilities. J Microbiol Biotechnol 32:1497-1505.
  20. Di Domenico M, Ballini A, Boccellino M, Scacco S, Lovero R, Charitos IA, Santacroce L. 2022. The Intestinal Microbiota May Be a Potential Theranostic Tool for Personalized Medicine. J Pers Med 12.

 

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Enhancing Immigrant Integration through Social Connections: An Experimental Study in Sweden

February 7, 2024
By 28006

Olle Hammar’s (Uppsala University, 2020) Sylff Research Grant focused on evaluating a program aimed at promoting social inclusion of immigrants and refugees in Sweden. The project, involving a randomized controlled trial in partnership with an NGO, assessed the impact of contact with natives on immigrants’ social, economic, and cultural integration. Preliminary results suggest potential benefits, including sustained relationships and increased job opportunities for immigrants.

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Introduction

My project on “Social Networks and Immigrant Integration: Experimental Evidence from Sweden,” conducted together with Mounir Karadja and Akib Khan at Uppsala University, seeks to understand and enhance immigrant integration in Sweden, a country known for its progressive social policies but which is now grappling with the challenges of integrating its growing foreign-born population (Statistics Sweden 2019). The project began with a deep interest in understanding immigrant integration in Sweden. Intrigued by the pivotal role social networks can play, we aim to explore the impact of social interactions between immigrants and native Swedes on the integration process.

The study is conducted in partnership with Nya Kompisbyrån (New Friend Agency), a Swedish nongovernmental organization facilitating informal meetings between immigrants and natives in Sweden. Immigrants, predominantly from low- and middle-income countries, are matched with native Swedes, fostering opportunities for language practice, cultural exchange, and network expansion. Through a randomized controlled trial, we assessed the effectiveness of this program.

 

Nya Kompisbyrån operations manager Mardin Baban, left, and Mounir Karadja of Uppsala University’s Department of Economics.

The COVID-19 pandemic posed significant challenges to this project, temporarily forcing participants to shift from direct, in-person interactions to digital meetings. Thankfully, solutions to these challenges were facilitated by the SRG, which allowed for the implementation of a more structured and sustainable survey data collection approach.

Background and Methodology

Sweden has experienced a significant influx of immigrants from diverse backgrounds, and their social and economic integration has become a key issue (Statistics Sweden 2019). Our research focuses on evaluating the effectiveness of social networks in facilitating this integration by working closely with Nya Kompisbyrån, one of the largest NGOs of its kind in Sweden.

In this project, we use a randomized controlled field experiment to evaluate a novel program administered by Nya Kompisbyrån.

The methodology is based on the observation that, since more immigrants than natives sign up for this program, not all immigrants can be matched with a native Swede. As such, our evaluation uses a randomization design where two immigrants are selected as potential matches for each native, based on common interests, gender, and age.

One of the immigrants is randomly assigned to meet with the native, while the other is placed in the control group. Individuals in both groups, as well as the participating native Swedes, were surveyed by an external survey company (co-financed by SRG) during the implementation period between October 2022 and September 2023. Using this data and methodology, we are able to assess the causal effects of contact with natives on immigrants’ social, economic, and cultural integration.

While the data collection phase is now finished, which was the aim of the SRG-funded part of the project, our next step will be to analyze the data and assess the final results. Preliminary findings suggest large potential benefits for the participating immigrants. Most matched pairs continue to meet after their first contact, indicating that a large share of matches results in meaningful and sustained relationships. In addition, many of the job-searching participants indicate that they have received a job or internship through their native Swedish contact. The interactions also seemed to facilitate stronger social networks for participating immigrants.

Adapting to COVID-19

The pandemic posed significant challenges to our original plan of studying in-person meetings between the participants. We adapted to these circumstances by shifting to a more sustainable format of long-term survey data collection, which allowed us to continue our research without compromising the integrity of the participants or the depth of our analysis. The project had to be temporarily suspended when COVID-19 made in-person meetings impracticable, but we were able to continue conducting fieldwork thanks to SRG.

The project will potentially have broad implications for Sweden’s approach to immigrant integration. It examines the importance of social connections and cultural exchange in breaking down barriers and fostering a more inclusive society (Allport 1954). The findings will offer valuable insights for policymakers, demonstrating how initiatives promoting direct social interactions between immigrants and natives can enhance the integration process.

Another contribution of this project is its experimental attempt to evaluate an NGO-driven intervention for immigrant integration. Many NGOs are active in the field of integration across the globe and often have innovative approaches based on voluntary participation, as well as low operating costs (Lundberg et al. 2011). In Sweden, the government identifies civil society as an important actor for integration. Yet, despite public and private investments, there is a lack of knowledge on the causal effects of civil society organizations in this domain (Osanami Törngren et al. 2018). As such, this project also contributes to evaluating civil society’ broader role in immigrant integration.

Both Academic and Practical Benefits

This journey has been both challenging and rewarding. Adapting to the unforeseen circumstances posed by the pandemic while maintaining the integrity of our research project was a significant learning experience. We are very grateful for support from the Sylff Association in helping us quickly adapt to these changed circumstances. The SRG funding was instrumental in the success of this project, enabling us to navigate unforeseen obstacles and contribute significantly to the field. It has also allowed me to continue my collaboration with my research colleagues and the NGO, as well as other actors in the area of immigrant integration in Sweden and abroad.

The project has been pre-accepted for publication in the Journal of Development Economics (Hammar, Karadja, and Khan 2023), based on a pre-results review. This, we believe, is a testament to its academic significance and practical relevance. The insights gained from this research will contribute not only to the academic understanding of immigrant integration but also offer practical insights for NGOs and policymakers on the potential of social networks and informal meetings. It strengthens our belief in the power of simple human connections to bridge cultural divides and enhance societal cohesion.

Our next step will be to analyze and disseminate the final results of this project. Going forward, we will further explore the dynamics of immigrant integration in different cultural and societal contexts. Our research also highlights the need for more innovative approaches to policymaking in the realm of migration and integration.

 

Social integration through coffee?

References

Allport, G.W. 1954. The Nature of Prejudice. Reading, MA: Addison-Wesley.

Hammar, O., Karadja, M., and Khan, A. 2023. “Social Networks and Immigrant Integration: Experimental Evidence from Sweden,” Journal of Development Economics, Accepted (Pre-Results Review).

Lundberg, E., Brundin, P., Amnå, E., and Bozzini, E. 2011. “European Civil Societies and the Promotion of Integration: Leading Practices from Sweden, Great Britain, the Netherlands and Italy.” In Social Rights, Active Citizenship and Governance in the EU. Baden-Baden: Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft.

Osanami Törngren, S., Öberg, K., and Righard, E. 2018. “The Role of Civil Society in the Integration of Newly Arrived Refugees in Sweden.” In Newcomer Integration in Europe: Best Practices and Innovations since 2015.

Statistics Sweden. 2019. “Integration: En beskrivning av läget i Sverige,” Integration 13.

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The Interdependence of Heritage Tourism and Peace: Media Treatment of the Destruction and Rebuilding of the Jahanabad Buddha Statue in Pakistan

October 6, 2023
By 30654

The tourism industry relies heavily on peace and security, so the destruction of heritage sites by terrorist groups represents a major threat. Farhad Nazir (University of Coimbra, 2022) undertook a study of media reactions to the defacement of a large, seventh-century Buddhist statue in Swat, Pakistan, and its subsequent restoration. This Voices article is based on a paper that was originally published in the International Journal of Tourism Cities.

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There exists a significant historical connection between tourism and peace (Farmaki 2017, Farmaki & Stergiou 2021, Salazar 2006). With the exception of dark tourism and such categories as adventure and extreme sports, the majority of tourist activities are predicated on peace and security. A lack of social, environmental, economic, or political security is widely recognized as a significant obstacle to tourism. Nevertheless, due to precarious climatic conditions and rising political tensions, it is becoming increasingly difficult—at times almost impossible—to avoid encountering natural calamities, political upheavals, or terrorist activities.

This article seeks to analyze the links between heritage tourism and peace, drawing on a study in which I analyzed the content of 40 news sources to examine the demolition and subsequent reconstruction of the Seated Buddha of Jahanabad. The objective of the study was to explore the impact of peaceful conditions on cultural tourism.

Destruction and Reconstruction

Shortly after the application of Sharia law in Swat, Pakistan, the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) launched an attack on the Jahanabad Buddha statue in 2007. The defacement of the statue was confirmed following two explosions, as depicted in Figure 1. To win popular support and elicit sympathy, the TTP employed the tactic of iconoclasm and proclaimed their attacks as a success over Buddhist idols (De Nardi 2017).

Figure 1. Statue after destruction, September 2007. Source: Italian Archaeological Mission in Pakistan.

The act of terrorism aimed at demolishing the seated Buddha statue in Jahanabad was meant to communicate a message to both the local population and the international community. It sought to persuade individuals adhering to the Islamic faith that there would be no space for remnants of cultural or historical significance unrelated to Islam, emphasizing that Swat is exclusively a territory regulated by the Sharia legal framework.

However, the examination of Islamic teachings in the Holy Quran, Hadith, Sharia, and works of Fuqaha through discourse analysis has consistently reaffirmed the recognition of the rights of those who do not adhere to the Islamic faith, including their property rights and the protection of their sacred places of worship. Nevertheless, scholars from many backgrounds have raised objections to Islam’s purportedly tolerant attitude towards individuals who do not adhere to its beliefs (Michel 1985). It is noteworthy that during the self-proclaimed rule of the TTP in the Swat valley, the act of demolishing the Buddhist monument was carried out on religious grounds. And to substantiate their motives, the militants employed an anti-idol manifesto.

The military operation conducted in Swat in 2009 successfully eradicated the presence of TTP terrorists in the Swat valley, thereby reinstating the authority of the state. The Italian Archeological Mission, in collaboration with provincial and federal archaeological organizations, the Pakistan army, and the local population, has initiated efforts to reconstruct the heritage sites that have been destroyed, specifically focusing on the restoration of the Jahanabad Seated Buddha (De Nardi 2017, Tanweer 2011, Olivieri et al. 2019). The local community enthusiastically engaged in the process of reconstruction, demonstrating a commitment to the deeply ingrained cultural values and transcending religious differences. The restoration phase of the Buddha statue was successfully concluded in 2016 as a result of these collective efforts (De Nardi 2017, Lone 2019). Thanks to the collaborative endeavors of several stakeholders, the restoration of this remarkable site to its original form has successfully been achieved, reinstating it as one of the prominent cultural landmarks in the valley (see Figure 2).

Figure 2. Restored statue, 2016. Source: Italian Archaeological Mission in Pakistan.

Methodology

The study I and my colleagues at the University of Coimbra —Norberto Santos and Luis Silveira—conducted on the links between heritage tourism and peace employed a qualitative research approach, transcribing the textual and visual content of media news using the NVivo 12 interface. The data obtained consisted of two sets: media coverage of the demolition phase in 2007 and that of the subsequent rebuilding efforts from 2012 to 2016. Several national, regional, and international news agencies covered the destruction and rebuilding event. British Broadcasting Corporation (BBC), Agence France-Presse (AFP), Arab News, Deutsche Welle (DW), Voice of America (VOA), Turkish Radio and Television (TRT), World Is One News (WION), and South China Morning Post were among the international and regional media outlets, while notable national media included the Associated Press of Pakistan (APP), Express News, Geo News, Radio Pakistan, Dawn News, The Nation, and Express Tribune. We employed a hierarchical approach to conduct thematic analysis, wherein nodes, sub-themes, and themes were identified.

The findings shed light on six different themes: peaceful imagery, heritage dissonance  against interfaith harmony, peace allegory via restoration, precursor of heritage sustainability, community heritage consonance, and heritage touristic valuation.

Implications

Our research findings have broad implications for various stakeholders as well as for the general public. From a commercial perspective, there exist possible pathways and opportunities for the revival of the tourism industry at this significant heritage site. Drawing inspiration from community activism, a similar approach may be employed to foster community stewardship of the Swat heritage sites, emphasizing their importance, value, and preservation. In addition, referencing the UN Sustainable Development Goals could enhance the significance of this innovation.

The study offers insights for both general readers and academic scholars, as it focuses on the physical and cultural aspects of Swat—a district with a Muslim majority population and heritage sites that are not associated with Islam. It examines the complex relationship between heritage, terrorism, peace, and tourism. The implications encompass several touchpoints involving site management authorities, the supplier sector, and entrepreneurs.

Our research also examined the strategies for protecting tourist destinations both before and after a destructive event occurs, with a focus on possible impacts on tourism activities. We hope that this study serves as a wake-up call for legislative players in terms of governance, prompting them to develop a counter-terrorism policy in anticipation of potentially disruptive activities.

Encouraging Further Study

The study surveyed the news content of a small number of national and international media organizations using a qualitative research paradigm. These limitations, though, can act to encourage future studies—extending the data collection portals to prominent social media sites, for example—to unveil new details about the issue under probe. Further, the inclusion of incidents at other national and international heritage sites could result in novel research insights. Comparative studies on similar issues in the regional and global context would also offer insights into the synergy of heritage, tourism, terrorism, and peace. 

This research received support from the Centre of Studies in Geography and Spatial Planning (CEGOT), funded by the Foundation for Science and Technology (FCT) of Portugal, under reference UIDB/04084/2020 and from the Ryoichi Sasakawa Young Leaders Fellowship Fund, administered by the Tokyo Foundation for Policy Research.

References

De Nardi, S. (2017). “Everyday Heritage Activism in Swat Valley: Ethnographic Reflections on a Politics of Hope.” Heritage & Society, 10(3), pp. 237–258.

Farmaki, A. (2017). “The Tourism and Peace Nexus.” Tourism Management, 59, pp. 528–540.

Farmaki, A. and Stergiou, D. (2021). “Peace and Tourism: Bridging the Gap through Justice.” Peace & Change, 46(3), pp. 286–309.

Lone, A. G. (2019). “The Scope of the Buddhist ‘Workshops’ and Artistic ‘Centres’ in the Swat Valley, Ancient Uḍḍiyāna, in Pakistan. In W. Rienjang & P. Stewart, eds., The Geography of Gandhāran Art (pp. 107–120). Archaeopress Archaeology.

Michel, T. (1985). “The Rights of Non‐Muslims in Islam: An Opening Statement.” Journal of Muslim Minority Affairs, 6(1), pp. 7–20.

Olivieri, L. M., Marzaioli, F., Passariello, I., Iori, E., Micheli, R., Terrasi, F., Vidale, M., & D’Onofrio, A. (2019). “A New Revised Chronology and Cultural Sequence of the Swat Valley, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (Pakistan) in the Light of Current Excavations at Barikot (Bir-kot-ghwandai).” Nuclear Instruments and Methods in Physics Research Section B: Beam Interactions with Materials and Atoms, 456, pp. 148–156.

Salazar, N.B. (2006). “Building a ‘Culture of Peace’ through Tourism: Reflexive and Analytical Notes and Queries.” Universitas Humanística (62), pp. 319–336.

Tanweer, T. (2011). “Italian Archaeological Activities in Swat: An Introduction.” Journal of Asian Civilizations, 34(1), pp. 48–80.

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The Changing Landscape of Shenzhen: Displacing the Urban Village from the City’s Memory

August 19, 2022
By 29645

Mengtai Zhang, a 2018 Sylff fellow, utilized an SRA without Overseas Travel grant in 2021–22 to explore the fate of Hubei and other urban villages in Shenzhen, China, which are on the brink of demolition—and oblivion. Faced with COVID-19 travel restrictions, Zhang enlisted a research assistant to conduct fieldwork and interviews on his behalf. What emerges is the dilemma between economic development and such considerations as social justice and preservation of culture.

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Due to China’s rapid rural urbanization in the last forty years, urban villages have become a common phenomenon, where the expansion of urban areas physically enclose rural lands operating under different land tenure. What makes urban villages unique in Shenzhen is that they are a product of segregated policies but have been restructuring the segregation from within over the last few decades. This segregation manifests in a rural-urban division and the resulting unequal allocation of institutional resources.

This division is embedded in the evolution of Shenzhen’s urban villages. With Shenzhen’s rapid economic development as a Special Economic Zone since China’s Reform and Opening Up in 1979, urban villages evolved with a level of self-organization to accommodate the large influx of migrant workers, providing them with access to superior urban resources in an affordable way, while bringing wealth to local rural collectives that own the land. This dynamics shifted from the mid-2000s, when many urban villages began to be demolished and rebuilt by mega real estate developers, often into skyscrapers and large shopping malls, under government planning. By the 2010s, more and more people in Shenzhen had started advocating for the protection of urban villages. Many wanted to preserve the urban villages for migrants and working families who were still suffering from unequal resource distribution. They also believed the urban villages bore historical significance to the rise of Shenzhen.

 

Collective Memory and the Case of Hubei

In July 2016 Hubei 120, a leaderless movement of artists, scholars, and architects, initiated a series of activities against the demolition of Hubei, an urban village in the Luohu district in central Shenzhen. As Hubei has existed for hundreds of years, participants of Hubei 120 argued that destroying Hubei would destroy Shenzhen’s shared memories and cultural assets. At the end of 2017, Hubei 120 curated a prominent art exhibition at the Bi-City Biennale of Urbanism/Architecture. I participated in the exhibition and presented two works, a soundscape composition of Hubei and a performance, both of which began during my 2016 art residency in Shenzhen. Both works used sound to create contexts about the impact of urbanization on people’s living conditions. Having captured the soundscape of Hubei when the place was facing demolition, I utilized the SRA without Overseas Travel grant to continue the research on Hubei at the end of 2021, now that demolition and reconstruction were well under way. 

 

Landscape view of Hubei, demolition in progress, Shenzhen, December 2021. (Photo courtesy of Lemon Guo)

 

During the research period in 2021 and 2022, I explored how collective memories were impacted by other systems in the process of migration. I was interested in what urban villages meant to different groups of people in Shenzhen and what we could hear from the diverging voices on what should happen to Hubei. With the support of an SRA without Overseas Travel award from the Sylff Association, I hired research assistant Lemon Guo to conduct fieldwork and interviews in Shenzhen, since I was unable to travel to China due to COVID-19 restrictions. 

Guo visited urban villages in Shenzhen, including Shangwei, Baishizhou, Shuiwei, Caiwuwei, and Hubei, and took field recordings and photographs. She mainly interviewed anthropologist Mary Ann O’Donnell, who is an expert on the urban villages in Shenzhen, and theater maker Yang Qian and filmmaker Shi Jie, both of whom were significant contributors to Hubei 120. We asked questions regarding the demolition process of Hubei, the characteristics of urban villages, and their memories of Shenzhen’s reform.

O’Donnell told us about the history of evolution of urban villages from spontaneous communities to planned communities and her memories of this process, having lived in several urban villages for most of her two-decades-plus of life in Shenzhen, since before they were even known as “urban villages.” She left us with a heavy comment—that the era of urban villages had reached its end. Yang Qian believed that urban villages such as Hubei symbolized the collective memories of Shenzhen people, which is what they are losing as a city. This was part of his motivation to join Hubei 120 and advocate for Hubei’s preservation. He told us about his role in Hubei 120 and how it operated as a leaderless movement. He also made an interesting observation about the shifting image of rural people in China’s popular culture, from farmers to migrant workers, gradually losing a concrete face and identity.

Shi Jie told us about how he became involved in Hubei 120, the growing number of artists creating socially engaged art in the urban villages, and their tensions and strategies in coping with the economic and political realities. As the conversations went on, we noticed that questions about shared memories and belonging often drew answers about loss and segregation. 

 

The Shifting Value of Urban Villages in Shenzhen

When viewed from the perspective of Shenzhen’s development, it seems the city struggles to remember, prone to forgetfulness. Shenzhen issued the Urban Renewal Method for revamping its image as a world-class metropolis in 2009 by calling on real estate developers to bid on original proposals for remodeling urban villages, which over the years have led to their large-scale demolition (Liu et al. 2017, 7). On the one hand, the large-scale project drew from urban villages the “useful” aspects, that which is solid and lasting, while the other aspects were considered redundant and disposable, destined for oblivion. In Hubei, what has been deemed useful are the shrines and ancient landscape, which could be transformed into consumable sites of spectacle, while , appear to be defined as something transitional and thus not worth keeping, despite their vital role in the residents’ livelihoods and historical significance in Shenzhen’s development.

On the other hand, what is considered useful by the city could also be volatile and ephemeral when viewed from a longer, historical perspective. As recently as the 1990s, urban villages—still known as “new villages” at the time—were praised as the essential, useful parts of the city. The transformation from “old villages” to “new villages” and the construction of large numbers of handshake buildings were a self-organized innovative solution that helped address a city-wide housing shortage as well as other issues brought about by the city’s reform. Ironically, although new villages had been recognized as valuable resources and celebrated as a huge success of Shenzhen’s development, their title of “new” was shortly downgraded in the mid-2000s (O’Donnell 2021, 58). The name “urban village” replaced “new village,” and what followed were demolition, renovation, and the social stigmas of filth, disorder, and substandardness. At the end of the day, the new, the solid, and the useful in Shenzhen tend to have transient qualities, sometimes decaying quickly from the city’s collective memory. 

 

Zhang’s shrine, on the outskirts of Hubei, 2021. (Photo courtesy of Shi Jie)

 

Alongside disappearing memories of the villages are unfulfilled dreams of belonging. In recent years, Shenzhen had been advertising its dedication to social inclusion by promoting the slogan, “If you come, you are a Shenzhener” (Shenzhen Government Online 2022). But the demolition and renovation of urban villages and the resulting massive displacement of their residents make this slogan ring increasingly hollow. Urban villages had provided affordable living conditions to most rural migrants to Shenzhen from the 1980s (Hao 2011, 217–18). Due to hukou, a household registration system intended to keep people in place by dividing them into rural and urban categories based on their place of origin, migrants who held rural hukou had for decades faced segregation in the city, including limitations on job opportunities, restrictions in the housing market, and exclusion from many social welfare programs (Cheng 1994, 644–45). Inexpensive and convenient urban villages were essentially shelters for rural migrants, providing access to urban-level resources such as economic opportunities, educational institutions, hospitals, and cultural institutions. 

Ironically, in a promotional video in 2020 by China Central Television, the largest state-owned broadcaster in China, the authorities presented the renovation of Nantou Gucheng, an ancient village in Shenzhen, as a successful materialization of the slogan (China Central Television 2020). The city created discourse portraying the construction of a symbolic identity, which supposedly can be achieved by refurbishing old neighborhoods and ancient landscapes. As the refurbishment continues, countless urban villages in central Shenzhen have been transformed into high-end residential areas, glossy consumer destinations, and grandiose landmarks, displacing vast numbers of lower-income communities in the meantime. This identity-building process redefines who is actually treated as Shenzheners, leaving many migrants who have contributed significantly to the city’s economic development out of the picture. 

 

Buildings over People

This renovation method reflects a fixation on buildings over people who live in them. Both the local government and the real estate developers claimed to be protectors of the ancient village in Hubei, notwithstanding their plans to displace entire communities and demolish two-thirds of the ancient village. Even the strategies of Hubei 120 ended up prioritizing preserving the old architecture of Hubei over protecting the communities, despite conflicting voices within the group. It fought with the government and real estate developers over the precise square meter of ancient villages that would be preserved (Yang 2017).

As I went through the footage and interviews of this research trip, I caught a glimpse of how the city might remember itself in the future. It would consist of a solidified past that is over hundreds or thousands of years old, symbolized by renovated ancient villages like Nantou and Hubei, as well as a forever-new present, encapsulated in the skyscrapers that grow taller and taller—yet nothing in between. 

 

References

Cheng, Tiejun, and Mark Selden. “The Origins and Social Consequences of China’s Hukou System.” The China Quarterly 139 (1994): 644–68. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0305741000043083.

China Central Television. “Xianxing: Episode Five [先行 第五集].” Accessed May 10, 2022. https://tv.cctv.com/2020/10/19/VIDEQx2rjSiFM0zzlTT4yehU201019.shtml?spm=C55924871139.PT8hUEEDkoTi.0.0.

Hao, Pu, Richard Sliuzas, and Stan Geertman. “The Development and Redevelopment of Urban Villages in Shenzhen.” Habitat International 35, no. 2 (2011): 214–24. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.habitatint.2010.09.001.

Liu, Guiwen, Zhiyong Yi, Xiaoling Zhang, Asheem Shrestha, Igor Martek, and Lizhen Wei. “An Evaluation of Urban Renewal Policies of Shenzhen, China.” Sustainability 9, no. 6 (2017): 1001. https://doi.org/10.3390/su9061001.

O’Donnell, Mary Ann. “The End of an Era?: Two Decades of Shenzhen Urban Villages.” Made in China Journal 6, no. 2 (2021): 56–65. https://search.informit.org/doi/10.3316/informit.287948270260541.

Shenzhen Government Online. “You Are a Shenzhener Once You Come to Shenzhen.” Accessed May 10, 2022. http://www.sz.gov.cn/en_szgov/news/infocus/visa/expat/content/post_7900720.html.

Yang, Qian. “Hubei Observation 3 [湖贝观察 3].” The Paper, August 17, 2017. https://www.thepaper.cn/newsDetail_forward_1762649_1.

 

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Role of Water in Geopolitics

July 8, 2021
By 28927

Eliska Ullrichova, a 2019 Sylff fellow, offers an overview of the concept of water wars and its implications. Given the rise in water scarcity—the major causes of which include overpopulation, overconsumption, and climate change—diplomacy has an important role to play in easing tensions over water supplies and managing international relations, Ullrichova assers.

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Water does not respect political boundaries and, therefore, may be a source of leverage for upstream riparian states over those downstream. However, it is important to underline that water encompasses not only rivers, which are primarily associated with it in international relations, but all surface and groundwater. Based on the concept of water wars and related terms, this short paper illustrates what role water plays in geopolitics.

Water might play a manifold role in a violent confrontation.

Water Wars

The concept of water wars identifies three dimensions of water in geopolitics. Firstly, water resources or infrastructure are prone to be casualties of a violent confrontation either intentionally or accidentally. As an example, pollution of water resources is a well-known consequence of a conflict. Secondly, water resources may be used as a tool in achieving one side’s political, economic, or military interests (Pacific Institute 2019). The weaponization of water was a dominant military strategy of the Islamic State (IS) to achieve its military and political objectives. The IS contaminated water supplies of its enemies and, in particular, used large dams—such as the Fallujah Dam on the Euphrates in Iraq—to either cut off supplies of cities downstream or flood the area above or below the river flow. In addition, the IS used water infrastructure, especially dams, as their military command headquarters or prisons. This hindered the capture of IS positions, because what adversary would lead an airstrike over a dam, knowing that doing so would devastate the surrounding area (Mazlum 2018; van Lossow 2020)? Thirdly, water may cause a dispute over control of water resources and, in the worst-case scenario, the disagreement could lead to an outright and violent conflict (Pacific Institute 2019).

Using dams in a conflict is one of the most common examples of water weaponization.

The third element of water wars—water as a trigger of a violent confrontation—is widely discussed in the academic literature (see Dinar and Dinar 2000; Spector 2000; Postel and Wolf 2001; Gregory 2013). Interestingly, scholars agree that, firstly, water-related issues tend to be a source of an intrastate conflict rather than an international one (e.g., Spector 2000; Postel and Wolf 2001). Secondly, outright strife is rarely triggered by a single variable; they are usually triggered by a set of issues, among which access to water supplies may be included (Postel and Wolf 2001; Farnum 2018). In other words, it is often difficult to classify a violent clash as a war over water, since many other variables alongside it may play a role in the confrontation. However, it does not mean that water is not a catalyst for a conflict at all. Examples can be found as early as 2525 BC in Mesopotamian times between two city-states, Lagash and Umma. Umma repeatedly refused to pay for renting downstream Lagash’s territory for crop cultivation in the water-rich delta of Tigris. In response, Lagash damaged the irrigation system leading to the leased area. Umma could not cultivate crops without water supplies and thus attacked Lagash, which resulted in several successive military confrontations. After the defeat of Umma, the water treaty was reestablished and the canal system reconstructed (see the water conflict map made by the Pacific Institute 2018).

A Solution to a Conflict over Water?

When water causes a violent conflict, the zero-sum approach can never resolve it in a long-term perspective. If a river represents the core of the dispute between upstream and downstream states, the conflict will not result in a situation where two countries no longer share the river basin. On the contrary, water creates interdependent geopolitical relations, and an outright and violent conflict over water supplies is therefore not a sustainable solution. It also goes without saying that, just as the concept of water wars indicates, water resources can be contaminated and water systems destroyed in a conflict that is likely to influence all interested parties. In general terms, wars always have harmful consequences for the environment, and water resources are not an exception. Another feature of water in geopolitics is that civilizations are entirely dependent on water resources, because human beings cannot survive without drinking water. Moreover, economic development is associated with water resources (e.g., agriculture and the energy sector). In other words, a violent conflict over water resources cannot lead to a zero-sum victory, and all involved actors would most likely lose to a greater or lesser extent. This is a fundamental reason why it is believed that wars over water will not occur in future decades more frequently than they did in history (Dunn 2013).

However, it is undeniable that water stress has been increasing due to overpopulation, overconsumption, and climate change—the most significant causes of water scarcity—even in initially water-rich regions. Nevertheless, as I have discussed above, cooperation rather than conflict is a sustainable solution that could lead to a win-win situation. Therefore, water diplomacy, i.e., ʻusing diplomatic instruments with the aim to solve, mitigate or prevent disagreements over shared water resources for the sake of cooperation, regional stability and peaceʼ (Schmeier 2018), seems to be a promising path to fostering multilateral governance over shared water resources and ensuring water security. In view of these goals, the concept of water diplomacy is not limited to states but underlines the necessity of nonstate actorsʼ involvement that play a crucial role as mediator in negotiations over water-related issues, such as the World Bank, or that may provide essential information via monitoring (see, for example, Honkonen and Lipponen 2018).

Water stress has been increasing due to overpopulation, overconsumption, and climate change.

Although there is a consensus in the academic literature that water will not become a frequent catalyst for a violent conflict, it is and will remain a source of tensions in international relations. High water demand from all sectors of human activities (households, agriculture, energy, and so forth) and the reduction of water resources due to overpopulation, overconsumption, and climate change are contradictory phenomena producing unsustainable environments within and among societies. Nevertheless, an outright conflict over shared water resources cannot end in a zero-sum victory. As such, diplomatic instruments are crucial tools for addressing increasing water scarcity and, therefore, tensions over water supplies. Water diplomacy, also called hydro-diplomacy, thus need to be an integral part of international relations more than ever.

 

References

Dinar, S. and A. Dinar. 2000. “Negotiating in International Watercourses: Diplomacy, Conflict and Cooperation.” International Negotiation 5 (2): 93–200. https://doi.org/10.1163/15718060020848721.

Dunn, G. 2013. “Water Wars: A Surprisingly Rare Source of Conflict.” Harvard International Review 35, no. 2 (fall 2013): 46–49. https://refnj2014.files.wordpress.com/2014/02/water-wars.pdf.

Farnum, R. 2018. “Drops of Diplomacy: Questioning the Scale of Hydro-Diplomacy through Fog-Harvesting.” Journal of Hydrology 562 (July 2018), 446–54. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhydrol.2018.05.012.

Honkonen, T. and A. Lipponen. 2018. “Finland’s Cooperation in Managing Transboundary Waters and the UNECE Principles for Effective Joint Bodies: Value for Water Diplomacy?” Journal of Hydrology 567 (December 2018), 320–31. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jhydrol.2018.09.062.

Von Lossow, T. 2020. “The Role of Water in the Syrian and Iraqi Civil Wars.” Italian Institute for International Political Studies. February 26, 2020. https://www.ispionline.it/en/pubblicazione/role-water-syrian-and-iraqi-civil-wars-25175.

Mazlum, I. 2018. “ISIS as an Actor Controlling Water Resources in Syria and Iraq.” In Violent Non-state Actors and the Syrian Civil War: The ISIS and YPG Cases, edited by Özden Zeynep Oktav, Emel Parlar Dal, and Ali Murat Kurşun, 109–25. Cham, Switzerland: Springer. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67528-2_6.

Pacific Institute. 2018. “Water Conflict Chronology Map.” Accessed March 24, 2021. http://www.worldwater.org/conflict/map/.

Pacific Institute. 2019. “Water Conflict Chronology.” https://www.worldwater.org/water-conflict/.

Postel, S. and A. Wolf. 2001. “Dehydrating Conflict.” Foreign Policy 126. https://foreignpolicy.com/2009/11/18/dehydrating-conflict/.

Schmeier, S. 2018. “What Is Water Diplomacy and Why Should You Care?” Global Water Forum. August 31, 2018. https://globalwaterforum.org/2018/08/31/what-is-water-diplomacy-and-why-should-you-care/.

Spector, B. 2000. “Motivating Water Diplomacy: Finding the Situational Incentives to Negotiate.” International Negotiation 5 (2): 223–36. https://doi.org/10.1163/15718060020848749.

White, C. 2012. “Understanding Water Scarcity: Definitions and Measurements.” Global Water Forum. May 7, 2012. https://globalwaterforum.org/2012/05/07/understanding-water-scarcity-definitions-and-measurements/.

 

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Action to Address a Stakeholder-Identified Need: Development of a Questionnaire to Improve Resolution after Medical Injury

July 27, 2020
By 25572

Associate Professor Jennifer Moore, a former Sylff fellow at Massey University in New Zealand, implemented a research project to assess the needs of injured patients and their families after medical injury with funding from Sylff Leadership Initiatives (SLI) from January 2019 to April 2020. The survey tool she developed and refined throughout the project is expected to facilitate better and happier reconciliation processes between healthcare organizations and injured patients and families after medical injury.

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“I wish there had been a questionnaire like this that was given to me after the hospital injured me! I recently had a hip replacement, and the provider posted a survey to me. It was so bad that I didn’t complete it. I thought, ‘Do these people have common sense? What does this mean?’ I wonder if they didn’t do what you are doing and [trial] the survey with the actual patients. I think it is so important to actually trial test it on patients first.” (Injured patient from New Zealand, comments during a cognitive interview, January 2019. The word in brackets in the quotation was edited by the author).

 

Introduction

This project was the first to attempt to develop a questionnaire to assess injured patients’ and families’ needs after medical injury. We pretested a draft version of the questionnaire with injured patients and families in New Zealand and the United States. In the quotation above, the injured patient highlights the importance of pretesting questionnaires to increase the likelihood that it will be an effective tool.   

Medical injury is unexpected harm caused by medical care. After heart disease and cancer, medical injuries have been identified as the third leading cause of death in the United States; this conclusion is consistent with findings from research undertaken in other countries, such as Canada, Japan, and New Zealand, and these statistics have generated calls for “greater attention” to medical injury because of the scale of this global issue.[1] An additional well-documented issue is that healthcare institutions’ responses to medical injuries, particularly their attempts at resolution, frequently fail to meet patients’ expectations and needs.[2] The literature also highlights that poor responses from healthcare organizations exacerbate the psychological, physical, and financial effects of medical injuries.[3]

During my recent research about the resolution of medical injury, the key stakeholders and participants identified another important social problem that requires action. Most healthcare organizations are interested in doing a better job of meeting injured patients’ and families’ emotional, informational, and practical needs after medical injury but currently lack tools to evaluate how well they met those goals.

Jennifer with her daughter Rebecca and two research participants

Research Objective, Methods, and Dissemination

Therefore, this project’s key objective was to address that gap, and stakeholder-identified need, by developing a questionnaire that healthcare organizations can use to assess how well they met the needs of patients who suffered medical injuries during their care. To develop the questionnaire, we undertook the following steps.

  • We designed a draft version of what we call the Medical Injury Reconciliation Experiences Survey (MIRES). This draft was based on findings from our two previous studies of injured patients’ experiences of nonlitigation approaches to resolving medical injuries.
  • We performed a content analysis of transcripts from a stratified random sample of interviews conducted with injured patients in New Zealand and the United States in 2015–16.
  • We extracted themes describing what is important to patients following medical injury and developed a draft questionnaire with question domains and items corresponding to these themes.
  • We revised the draft questionnaire following review and feedback from expert clinicians, risk managers, and patient advocates.
  • We pilot tested the revised questionnaire on a sample of 24 injured patients and family members in the United States and New Zealand, conducting cognitive debriefing interviews focused on the comprehensibility and completeness of the questionnaire.
  • We further revised the instrument based on this feedback. Thirty-seven revisions were made in response to their suggestions.
  • We traveled to New Zealand to disseminate and implement the questionnaire to key stakeholders in New Zealand, such as district health boards' public hospitals, the Ministry of Health, the Accident Compensation Corporation, and the patient advocacy group Acclaim. I traveled around New Zealand (particularly Christchurch, Dunedin, and Wellington) to meet with representatives from the key stakeholder organizations to explain the questionnaire to them and to discuss how best to implement it in their organization.
  • We are in regular, ongoing contact with the representatives of the key stakeholder organizations in New Zealand to answer their questions about the questionnaire and to ask about their initial experiences using it.
  • We submitted a paper to an academic journal that reports the results of the survey development.
  • After the COVID-19 travel bans are lifted, we will travel to New Zealand again at the stakeholders’ request to discuss implementation progress and to undertake any further edits to the questionnaire that may be required.
  • Once the COVID-19 travel bans are lifted, I will also travel to the United States again to discuss implementation progress at the participating hospitals. The intention was to visit the United States in May 2019, but that trip was canceled because of COVID-19. (Sylff funded the New Zealand part of the project, not the US part. We are very grateful to Sylff for their support.)

Once our research paper is accepted, it will be important to disseminate the paper, because our project is the first to attempt to develop a questionnaire to assess injured patients’ needs after medical injury. Further research could use our questionnaire to undertake a full validation study.

The final version of the questionnaire included the following domains:

  • perceptions of communications with healthcare providers after the injury (11 items);
  • perceptions of remedial gestures, such as apology and compensation (12 items);
  • indicia of the patient’s overall satisfaction with the reconciliation process (3 items);
  • the nature and impacts of the injury (5 items); and
  • characteristics of the patient (5 items).

 

Conclusion

Jennifer with a patient's research participant's puppy during the cognitive debriefing interview about the draft questionnaire.

Injured patients and their families expressed the view that they appreciated the opportunity to assist with the survey design process. The survey was feasible to administer with pencil and paper, taking around 10 minutes to complete. The MIRES appears to be comprehensible and acceptable to patients and offers a practicable means by which healthcare organizations can assess how well their reconciliation processes are meeting injured patients’ needs. One of the US patients who participated in this project observed that the “questionnaire has the power to help so many other patients like me.”    

[1] Martin Makary and Michael Daniel, “Medical Error—The Third Leading Cause of Death in the US,” British Medical Journal 353 (May 2016): 2139, https://doi.org/10.1136/bmj.i2139.

[2] Frederick S. Southwick et al., “A Patient-Initiated Voluntary Online Survey of Adverse Medical Events: The Perspective of 696 Injured Patients and Families,” BMJ Quality and Safety 24, no. 10 (October 2015): 620–29.

[3] Elaine O’Connor et al., “Disclosure of Patient Safety Incidents: A Comprehensive Review,” International Journal of Quality in Health Care 22, no. 5 (October 2010): 371–79.

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Exploring Nuclear Transitions: In Quest of a Framework

July 14, 2020
By 26651

Shounak Set, a Sylff fellow from Jadavpur University, is currently pursuing his PhD at King’s College London. His SRA was conducted at Jadavpur University, which is home to the oldest and largest international relations program in India and is also distinguished by close institutional ties with the Indian defense research establishment. The field trip culminated in immeasurable value for his doctoral dissertation.

* * *


In the second half of the twentieth century, the advent of nuclear science left an indelible imprint in the practice and study of international relations. Nuclear proliferation refers to the spread of nuclear technologies and energy for both civilian and military purposes. Given the political and technological ramifications of the nuclear sector, the nuclear policies of states are essentially a subset of their foreign policy, but they are driven by a variety of discrete considerations. With its apocalyptic potentials, nuclear energy can devastate humankind through atomic weapons, but they can also be a harbinger of prosperity if harnessed for generating electricity. That being the case, when do states use nuclear energy for cooperation, and when for confrontation?

The author meeting with Avtar Singh Bhasin, an eminent archivist of Indian diplomatic history. A one-man army, Mr. Bhasin, having retired from the Ministry of External Affairs, voluntarily collects and publishes relevant documents that are otherwise inaccessible for the benefit of researchers.

The urge to answer these questions resulted in a six-month field trip to India from mid-September 2019 to mid-March 2020, where Jadavpur University served as the host institute. India represents both a challenge and an opportunity for academic engagement on account of its scale and complexity; and it questions several prevailing tenets and assumptions of international relations. At once a rising power and an impoverished nation, both a young state and a legatee to an ancient civilization, it simultaneously confirms and contests prevailing tenets of social science and poses unique challenges of research design. The first country to call for nuclear disarmament on the global stage in 1955, India conducted a series of nuclear weapons tests in 1998 to herald a new epoch. Likewise, after decades of righteous indignation at the institutionalized arbitrariness of the global nuclear order, India was eventually accommodated there in an unprecedented manner through the India-US Civil Nuclear Agreement of 2008. In addition to the selection of India as a case, the specific focus on these historical events underscored that the area of focus was situated along several research paradigms including but not limited to international security, science and technology, global order, and political contestation.

Brass Tacks: The Exercise

The field trip—as part of a doctoral study at King’s College London that interrogates the conventional understanding on these two episodic events, namely the 1998 nuclear tests and the India-US Civilian Nuclear Agreement of 2008—was undertaken with the primary aim of data collection, which was to be supplemented by discussions with topical experts. The primary sources mostly comprised interviews and archival material, and the absence of declassified material on the thematic area of focus (nuclear decision-making and proliferation), along with the associated sensitivity of the subject area, impelled an exercise in triangulation research through an interdisciplinary prism. Accordingly, data was collected from multiple sources in tandem with elite interviews among a wide range of individuals comprising mostly retired diplomatic, security, and political functionaries who had been direct participants in the cases under study. The initial plan was to conduct 20 interviews, but 35 interviews were ultimately conducted across New Delhi, Kolkata, and Bangalore through snowball sampling; this to led to progressive uncovering of diverse aspects. In order to facilitate optimum utilization of resources, archival research in New Delhi and Kolkata was conducted concurrently with the interviews rather than following a sequential approach.

The author interviewed Dr. V. S. Arunachalam, the scientific advisor to successive Indian defense ministers from 1982 to 1992. Dr. Arunachalam has been intimately associated with the Indian missile and nuclear weapons development programs.

Along with the above, discussions and consultations with 16 topical experts were also undertaken, which contributed toward refining the project by clarifying several aspects. Requisite steps such as anonymization of certain interviewees and data security protocols were followed for storage of confidential data and protecting the identities of key personnel as per considerations of security and research ethics.

Research Redux

Essentially probing the intersection between nuclear policymaking and domestic factors in India, the study adopts process tracing to analyze policy transformations through a foreign policy change framework. In conducting in-depth case studies of major foreign policy changes in the recent past, it hypothesizes that domestic politics gain salience during points of significant transformation and leverages the findings in a theory-building exercise through Bayesian reasoning. This approach accounts for the diversity of ideational and institutional forces at play in these policy transitions of historic magnitude; these forces remain inadequately addressed by extant studies, which are circumscribed by linear approaches characteristically prioritizing global-level variables at the cost of the domestic and vice versa.
While the nuclear tests in 1998 heralded a “Second Nuclear Age” in tandem with the realities of the global shift of power from the West to the East, the India-US Civil Nuclear Agreement of 2008 epitomized a metamorphosis of the global order through an irreversible transformation of the international nonproliferation regime. These events portended global ramifications, marked a drastic reorientation of India’s external behavior, and were accompanied by salient domestic political realignments.
Cognizant of these manifested confluences of global, regional, and domestic factors, this study eschews singular explanatory frameworks and attempts to construct an integrative model that explains major policy transformations. The research identifies political parties as the salient vector of domestic politics and probes the interface between political parties and major foreign policy outcomes of the recent past. Political parties form the government, which conducts foreign policy. However, scholars of comparative politics deal with political parties but leave the study of foreign policy to their counterparts in international relations and vice versa. In the process, the interlinkage between political parties and foreign policy remains in the shadows. While studies on political parties in international relations are scarce in general, in the case of India, there is a conspicuous absence.

Relevance and Outcome
The quality and quantity of the accumulated data has contributed substantially to the structural robustness of the key argument and has convinced me to add another chapter to my dissertation. The number of chapters based on my field trip data stands at three, in contrast to my initial plan of two for the same. With the progression of the field trip, the unpacking of historical cases and their attendant complexities corroborated the initial formulations of the study, which had problematized the conventional narratives.

The author after an interview with Mr. Maharaja Krishna Rasgotra, the Indian foreign secretary from 1982 to 1985. Having joined the Indian Foreign Service in 1949, Mr. Rasgotra has been involved in several historic moments in Indian diplomacy, and his counsel has been sought by successive prime ministers of India.

While the bulk of the literature is premised on the insularity of domestic politics in the conduct of Indian diplomacy, this study finds that major foreign policy changes are not generated by exogenous factors alone; and despite its limited salience in regular times, domestic politics gain a critical dimension during these moments of transition. This is crucial, since it reflects foreign policy making in a rising power and builds on a growing body of research on rising powers in international relations. The major findings indicate a gap between existing conventional postulates and the empirical specificities, as the timing of the 1998 nuclear tests and the unprecedented reorientation of the international nuclear order through the India-US Civil Nuclear Agreement contest existing theories of international relations. These include a global-domestic dichotomy in the process of salient junctures and a limitation of path-dependency models.
Previously unexamined primary sources highlighting the need for alternate explanations of historical cases were uncovered and pose significance for potential revision of extant conceptions and assumptions. The collected data facilitates the broadening and widening of the empirical and conceptual templates of foreign policy analysis, which remains anchored in a Western setting. While the process has affirmed the major observations of the study prior to this field trip, it has also led to a reappraisal and update of some earlier formulations of this study.

Concluding Remarks

Professor Shibashis Chatterjee, the director of the Sylff Program at Jadavpur University, acted as the local supervisor and added considerable value to the project. Professor Chatterjee happens to be the director of the School of International Relations and Strategic Studies and an acknowledged expert in the specific topic as well, with acclaimed publications to his name. While our interactions in themselves proved to be intellectually enriching to the project, Professor Chatterjee also made efforts to help me access relevant institutions and provided consistent administrative support. The latter proved to be crucial as, toward the end of 2019, India was witnessing severe political upheaval, which generated grave law and order issues and adversely affected my schedule. Since the completion of the project, he has also emerged as a benevolent mentor concerned about my professional and social well-being in the true spirit of the Sylff family.
The extended Sylff community at Jadavpur University provided a friendly and welcoming milieu that made my stay in India pleasant and memorable. In retrospect, the field trip facilitated by the Sylff Research Abroad program has not only been of immeasurable value to the doctoral dissertation, but it has also been instrumental for my professional growth. In the vortex of the twenty-first century, radical trends typically overwhelm extant arrangements and generate new challenges without resolving older ones. Against this backdrop, this journey has been immensely fulfilling at both the emotional and intellectual levels and shall enable me to embark on my career as a scholar engaged in the study and promotion of international peace and human understanding.